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EN
The aim of the paper is to analyse the sources of the crisis of legitimacy of the EU from the perspective of the intergovernmental paradigm. The paper also focuses on the nature of this crisis and the possibilities of increasing the legitimacy of the EU. The author claims that the crisis of legitimacy is a result of the fact that there is “too much Europe”, not “too little”. According to Andrew Moravcsik’s approach to intergovernmentalism, the EU crisis is a result of feeling that the European Union has ceased to be seen as an effective tool for realising the interests of the states, or that the states started to define their preferences in the integration process in an unreasonable way.
EN
This article investigates the engagement of EU law with the interests represented and pursued by the Member States within the framework of the European Union. In principle, because the interests which the Member States feed into the EU governance machinery are formulated in political processes at the national level, and thus possess paramount political legitimacy, EU law may only interact with those interests when a clear and sufficient mandate has been provided for doing so. Such mandates follow from Treaty provisions or EU legislation. They embody common political agreements among the Member States by which they commit themselves to realising the specific interests they share, as well as achieving related common policy objectives. In practice, however, the boundaries of EU law’s mandate are difficult to determine with precision, and this may weaken the legitimacy of EU law’s interventions. The weaker legitimacy of the law raises particular problems in the law of the Single Market, where the interests pursued by national governments are subjected to filtering, moderation, and even transformation by the Court of Justice.
EN
The aim of this article is to present the legitimacy of power in Russia. The special emphasis is placed on the correlations between Russian political culture and the legitimacy of the power of Vladimir Putin. Taking into consideration that social acceptance and support given to the authorities are the result of the relationship between the values pursued by the government and the values recognized by the society, the author presents the example of this mechanism in Russia. As many theorists note, investigation of the degree of legitimacy of the authorities should be determined by the compatibility of arguments that are used by the rulers and values and attitudes approved by the society. Therefore, this paper will present the relations between the authorities and society as well as the perception of Vladimir Putin’s domestic and foreign policy by residents of the Russian Federation.
EN
Political participation is one of the most important democratic ideals. Democracy cannot function properly without citizens’ involvement. Moreover, low turnout can be a threat to democracy. There are two theoretical arguments why low voter turnout could matter in Central Eastern Europe. Firstly, countries in this region are still in a process of democratization. In such systems legitimacy of a regime by definition cannot be strong. Thus any device enhancing legitimacy, including widespread participation, is desired. Secondly, in non-democratic systems abstaining is one of the most common and well-known ways of de- legitimizing a regime. Therefore the main purpose of this paper is to analyze the relation between electoral turnout and legitimacy of democratic regime in Central Eastern Europe. In the first part I briefly discuss alternative models of democracy, which differently define the role of electoral participation. In the second part both legitimacy and turnout are discussed, while in the third part results of empirical analyses, reporting relations between the two variables are presented. The hypotheses are to be tested on the Consolidation of Democracy data.
EN
This paper addresses the legitimacy issue of transnational non-governmental organizations. The sources of legitimacy are identified and analyzed and the focus is given on those which are most frequently used by transnational non-governmental organizations. Arguments and counterarguments which dispute this legitimacy are also identified. Emphasis is given on the discrepancy of social and normative concept of transnational nongovernmental organizations legitimacy, because the tendency to consider them under the legitimacy of liberal democratic states as constitutionally defined institutions still persists.
Human Affairs
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2013
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vol. 23
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issue 2
124-147
EN
Drawing on historical and contemporary evidence from Great Britain and Italy, this article examines actions that fall under official definitions of corruption and actions that are not illegal but are widely regarded as morally corrupt. As a social anthropologist, I argue that when dealing with the complexity of corruption and abuses of power, we need to identify what aspects of the system encourage or generate illicit practices (illegal and legal) and what aspects could instead generate real change. It is imperative to assess the precise identity of the dividing line between the legitimate and the illegitimate and between the legal and the moral, and to address both the exact relationship of the protagonists in public life to formal law and its production and their perceived legitimacy in the broader society. Empirical evidence suggests that the production of the law must take into account the moralities which inform the definition of legitimacy at the grassroots, for legislation that enjoys such legitimacy is authoritative-therefore effective-legislation, and thus is governance that benefits from and abides by such legislation.
EN
In political and philosophical terms public relations and society appear to be at odds with each other. Public relations as the representative of individual interests is opposed to the general wellbeing of society. The contradictions between PR and society should form the basis for an analysis of the relationship between PR and society from a system theory perspective (Luhmann, 1996). In the course of the examination one can differentiate between three levels of PR and society: (1) PR as part of society: in this regard the question will be what PR does for society. (2) Society in the PR environment: at this level the question will be how organisations regard society and how PR constructs societal models. (3) The entirety of PR sees itself as being apart from society: in a dynamic perspective the question here will be how the refl exive expectations change the relationship between PR and its environment.
EN
Social trust in education is at least partly rooted in the legitimacy of the principal institutions which organise the social order, such as the political system, democracy and economy. Easton formulated the theoretical justification for this hypothesis in the 1960s, while empirical confirmation was delayed until the first decade of this century, when the data was collected in the European Social Survey. The results of ESS confirmed the hypothesis that trust in education is influenced by the legitimacy of the more fundamental state institutions but the mechanisms of this effect vary across Europe. In countries where schools are autonomous and control over them is located at community level, trust in education becomes independent from social support for the state. However, in countries where education is considered to be a government agency, strongly shaped by political goals, people tend to evaluate education together with other state institutions. The ESS data also provide insight into factors determining trust in education at the level of the individual. Surprisingly, the lowest degree of trust was shown by the upper classes, including the educated, whom the education system had benefited most. This is not conducive to the involvement of such people in countries that are building their educational resources.
EN
Legitimacy is one of the fundamental topics of the social and political sciences, as well as a valid issue in contemporary Western societies. Legitimacy is based on the existence of a common standard for evaluating social and political systems. If such a standard is absent, legitimacy is impossible by definition (Beetham 1991). The research question of this article is: to what extent is the level of a political system’s legitimacy explained by the effect of normative disorientation? Data from round 5 of the European Social Survey is analyzed by multilevel linear regression models in order to verify hypotheses about the strength and direction of the correlation between political legitimacy and normative disorientation. Analysis showed that normative disorientation is negatively correlated with the level of political legitimacy.
EN
The national parliament is crucial institution in a contemporary European states, which guarantees a legitimacy of a power and regime. At the same time, the effectiveness of a parliament is one of the most important hallmark of a democratic political system. The democratic legitimacy, which comes from a national parliament is one of the sphere of the national system of implementing European policy. The author, using the system approach in European studies research, analyze the evolution of the role and functions of the Polish Sejm and Senate in the pre‑accession period, i.e. before the year 2004. The role of Polish parliament is analyzed through the two research perspectives – historical and functional. In this way it is clearly observed a growing role of the Sejm and Senate in the relations with other political institutions within a national system of implementing European policy.
EN
In this study, we contribute to scholarly work on European Union (EU) legitimacy with regard to migration and asylum policy. We do so through an in-depth exploration of the relationship between attitudes towards the EU and migration among the Czech public. Even though there is a body of literature focusing on this topic, there is a gap when it comes to understanding its complexities, especially concerning 'pro-immigrant' and 'pro-European' positions. We bring a cultural-sociological perspective on meaning-making processes into conversation with theories on the legitimacy of the EU, an analytical move that helps us reveal the nuances in attitudes towards the EU and migration. Our results unpack the narratives surrounding the EU and migration and highlight the apparent cleavage between the 'pro-immigrant' and 'anti-immigrant' discourses that underpin migration attitudes among the Czech public. We find that notwithstanding some divisiveness, there exists considerable convergence along the three dimensions of legitimacy: input, output and throughput. Indeed, both camps challenge EU legitimacy, but they do so for different reasons and focus on different dimensions. The output aspect of EU legitimacy is the most problematic and criticised within both types of discourse. The input dimension is problematic only within the 'anti-immigrant' discourse, and the throughput dimension of EU legitimacy is rather neglected within both discourses. In empirical terms, these findings imply that, in the eyes of the Czech public, the EU-even for those who accept it as a legitimate actor with regard to asylum and migration policy-fails to deliver satisfactory results.
EN
In today’s globalized world, individuals develop many complementary identities, resulting from their participation in the life of concurrently existing social groups. Ethnic, regional or cultural are among the collective identities that play an important role in human life. Collective identities are built within a specific community that develops a sense of belonging by sharing within the given social group a set of common values, ideals, views, needs, or interests. It is difficult to build such a sense of belonging within the institutionalized structures that ultimately seek to legitimize their existence and action through controlled and normative ways of constructing a common identity. Such phenomena can be observed for several decades within the European Union, which, through a multi-level governance system, seeks to build a European identity that is a derivative of the integration process.
EN
Modernity understood as a permanent crisis of legitimacy and authority is a constant challenge for constitutionalism. The article reconstructs the danger of substituting political nature with moral imperatives. In modern societies, political disputes turn into so-called culture wars, and the dividing lines are marked by two moralities fighting each other: a liberal morality and a conservative morality. Using selected examples from the constitutional judiciary, I put forward a proposal of rethinking the definition of political nature in constitutionalism to deal with the crisis of legitimacy and authority that plagues it.
EN
The paper seeks to analyze the causes that led to the decline of the proceduralelectoral legitimacy paradigm, as explanatory paradigm, in favor of the models that have highlighted the significant changes occurred in the contemporary societies. For this purpose the paper examines Pierre Rosanvallon’s analytical model of interpreting “the revolution in the conception of legitimacy.”
EN
The article seeks to understand the relationship between government legitimacy and the citizens of a state. Specifically, it looks how the person’s ability to build a family and fulfill their purpose can be enabled or inhibited by their government’s actions. The article proposes building a framework based on the Personalism found in John Paul II’s work Love and Responsibility, as the basis for an approach that governments can look towards in the effort to take citizen-based actions internationally and domestically. This will ensure the State’s people are respected and their dignity upheld. Without considering the person in these processes, it is possible to overlook them in politics, and so put them at risk for abuse.
EN
Th is paper looks at the future of journalism by studying journalists’ expectations of their profession and future roles. Expectations have been linked with industry legitimacy and reputation, making them a timely topic for journalism practice. Based on a qualitative study that has investigated diff erent journalists’ expectations in Finland, ranging from fi xed contract to freelancers, the results point towards increasing pessimism about the future of the media. Th e paper fi rst introduces the role of journalistic expectations. Secondly, it aims at connecting theory on journalistic roles with changes brought about by media convergence. It also aims at defi ning future roles of journalists based on recent trends and changes in journalistic work. All the results are presented from theory-driven qualitative interviews carried out with journalists in Finland, yielding 15 potential roles for future journalism development, ranging from errand boy to entrepreneur.
EN
This article explores the issue of sovereignty of States in the context of legitimacy of international law. Sovereign statehood is today increasingly challenged. The article examines if an essential incompatibility exists between international law conceived as a true, that is, legitimized, system of law and State sovereignty. To this end, it seems necessary to determine a meaning and importance of sovereignty in and for international law. The article seeks to argue that the idea of State sovereignty, deprived of orthodox positivistic justification, can still perform an important cognitive function in international law. In a world in which non-State actors suffer from a “democratic deficit”, democratic accountability and responsibility remains concentrated in States. States are, therefore, still the main source of legitimacy of political decisions. It is sovereign States that are the legal subjects assuring the public underpinnings within the international legal order. Consequently, there is no contradiction between the sovereign status of States in international society, and international law conceived as a legitimized legal order.
EN
The political theory of Carl Schmitt is currently experiencing a renaissance in its reception. In this paper, I propose to distinguish between the normative and descriptive elements of Schmitt’s notion of the state. While being a strong advocate of the principle of political unity emerging from a concrete social antagonism, Schmitt was, at the same time, a decided critic of the current form of liberal Rechtsstaat. He actually subordinated the notion of state to the notion of the political. If we may call him an étatist, then it is only if we have in mind a narrow concept of the state which is related to the concept of the political. Only such a state can play the integrative role in a differentiated society and become the basis of social legitimacy “from below”.
EN
The constructivist approach is among the most popular in the international relations and particularly useful in the analysis of the European integration processes. It allows a broad analysis of participants’ preferences, motives and interests in international cooperation. States and international organizations develop collective identities within processes of communication and deliberation. Constructivism helps to understand those processes and their infl uence on making and developing international law. Constructivism is also used as a legitimizing approach, especially in the context of difficulties in the validation of the activities of international institutions at the supranational level. It offers alternative concepts to the traditionally understood democratic legitimacy
EN
The article is focused on the critical analysis of deliberative democracy. The fundamental question is: whether deliberation can be a real remedy to the crisis of representative democracy and its growing problems with legitimacy of power? Strictly defined deliberations can become its own caricature and lead, paradoxically, to undemocratic effects: exclusion and domination.
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