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EN
The present study concentrates on the organization of the mental lexicon with regard to semantic transparency in the representation of Polish compounds. Its aim was to test current approaches to the processing of morphologically complex words in a lexical decision experiment with the use of visually presented Polish compound and simple words. The existing psycholinguistic approaches centre around the same question: are complex words parsed into their constituent parts or are they stored as full-word representations in the human mental lexicon? I referred to five widely acknowledged models of morphological processing to account for the outcomes of the present study. The data reveal that: (i) transparent compounds primed by words semantically related to the heads of these transparent compounds elicited faster response times than opaque compounds within the same condition; and (ii) priming speeds up the processing for both transparent and opaque compounds. The results indicate that the processing of Polish compound words is influenced by semantic transparency and that both transparent and opaque compounds are decomposed into their constituents prior to lexical access.
EN
The study investigates the processing of morphologically complex words in Czech. In Experiment 1 we employed morphological repetition priming to test the Split Morphology Hypothesis, i.e. whether derived and inflected word forms are stored in the same or different manner in the Czech mental lexicon. The results demonstrate significantly larger priming effects for inflected forms compared to derived forms indicating distinct processing of inflection and derivation in Czech; while inflected forms are fully decomposed during language comprehension, derived forms are either not, or only partially. In Experiment 2 we addressed two research questions. First, we tested the psycholinguistic reality of the linguistic distinction between two types of inflective verbal prefixes: (a) “purely” inflective aspectual prefixes (i.e. the prefix turns an imperfective verb into a perfective one as in hřešit (imp.; ‘to sin’) — zhřešit (perf.)) and (b) derivational verbal prefixes (e.g. krátit (imp.; ‘to shorten’) — zkrátit (perf.)). The results did not indicate any evidence that this distinction would be psycholinguistically grounded. Second, we examined the role of semantic transparency of the derivational prefixes in the processing. The experiment delivered evidence of slower processing of opaque derived verbs, most likely caused by double search/reanalysis.
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