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EN
he main goal of examining a single philosophical theory, connected with social and political disciplines, is not just to identify its incoherence or to restate the theory in a more elegant way. More important in that kind of investigation is to show its possible impact on people’s lives and the functioning of communities. Thus, it seems more reasonable to conduct a critical analysis of the possible consequences for a real society than to undertake a simple study of the argument’s logical consistency. The main aim of this paper is to introduce doubts about the thesis of Chantal Mouffe presented by her in Agonistics. Thinking the World Politically and Passion and Politics. Main hypothesis is that thinking about the “political” and “politics” with reference to enmity as well as claiming that the source of every political and social activity is antagonism, can provoke an attitude that social and political scenes are battlefields rather than an agora or the space of human interactions. First of all, the author provides the critical analysis and reconstruction of the most important claims connected with the “political”, which can have strong negative effects-i.e. brutalization and creating a negative basis for social relation. Then presents a few possible sources of thinking of “political” as a “competition” or rather “enmity”. The last part it is the critic of what Mouffe claims about reason why people get involve into politics, based on the psychological experiments and in result of this the author shows the importance of validity the high standards in politics, diplomacy and relation on the social level.
EN
Aviezer Tucker’s book The Legacies of Totalitarianism: A Theoretical Framework can be classified among works which settle with the totalitarian past and discuss the issue of the victory of liberal democracy in post-Soviet states after 1989. From the many issues examined in his book, I would like to focus here on the author’s interesting intuition that dissidents played an important role not only in the overthrow of communism (real socialism) but also in the preservation of the liberal democracy in Central and Eastern Europe, which, in his view, is now threatened by the demons of populism, nationalism, xenophobia, etc. The essential question is whether dissidents have managed to create such an institutional framework as will protect the society against the temptation of populism, by offering citizens – all social groups – a state with stable, effective structures, respect for individual freedom, and a sense of safety (including social security), or the institutional problems he mentions results from the negligence and desertion of the elites in the first years of the transformation –a state of things which has lasted until now?
PL
Książka Aviezera Tuckera The Legacies of Totalitarianism. A Theoretical Framework wpisuje się nurt prac, które podejmują kwestię zwycięstwa liberalnej demokracji w krajach o totalitarnej przeszłości i postsowieckiej dominacji po 1989 roku. W tekście analizuję problemy, które można wskazać w kontekściesugestii autora, że dysydenci (i kategoria życia w prawdzie) odgrywali istotną rolę nie tylko w obaleniu komunizmu (realnego socjalizmu), lecz także pełnią ją w utrzymaniu zdobyczy liberalnej demokracji w krajach Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej, która obecnie ma być zagrożona demonami populizmu, nacjonalizmu, ksenofobii. Zasadnicze pytanie mojego tekstu dotyczy kwestii, czy byli dysydenci potrafili stworzyć dobre i funkcjonalne państwa, czy też nowe elityzdezerterowały, pozostawiając instytucje państwowe na łup pasożytujących na nich nomadów, co prowadzi do sprzeciwu obywateli. Kwestia ta dotyczy, jak się wydaje, nie tylko krajów tego regionu, lecz także całej Europy.
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