Search results - CEJSH

1

Nonpartisan Electoral Committees in Local Government Elections in Poland in 2018

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Czyżniewski M.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2019

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issue 4 (48)

617-631

EN

The article presents the result of quantitative research on local government elections in Poland carried out on October 21 and November 4, 2018. Its goal is to examine the proportions of lists registered by political parties and nonpartisan electoral committees and the mandates they have obtained. This proportion shows the degree of presence of political parties in local governments of various levels and sizes. The data were selected so that all provinces in Poland were examined (16), a number of districts were randomly selected (in provinces with less than 20 districts, data from half districts were examined, in provinces with over 20 districts, from one third). Within the selected districts, all communes were examined. The quantitative research shows that local governments elected in 2018 are not political only in small and medium-sized communes, in which the councils are made up mostly of councilors who were candidates from nonpartisan committees.

2

Impact of changes introduced to the Polish election law in 2018 on the process of preparing and conducting elections

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Czapiewski T., Miszczuk R.

Acta Iuris Stetinensis

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2019

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issue 27_ENG

53-78

EN

The aim of the paper was to explain the essence of the reform of the Polish election law, which took place in 2018. The changes were studied from the perspective of their impact on the process of organisation and preparation of elections. Therefore, four key elements of the reform were selected for analysis: institutional changes concerning commissioners and election officials, change in the position of local government units in the preparation and conduct of elections, live streaming of the work of district electoral Commissions (Obwodowa Komisja Wyborcza) and their appointing their members. The basic research method was the analysis of legal acts and expert interviews. The text highlights a number of problems and shortcomings related to the implementation of the reform. It was found that there are currently no institutions in Poland that have the resources to take over from local government units the tasks related to the preparation and organisation of elections. It was shown that many of the intended objectives of the reform were not achieved, either as a result of the amendments in the pre-election period or as a result of the interpretation aimed at maintaining the actual status quo despite legal changes. The latter phenomenon is the most visible in the institution of the electoral officer.

3

The Level of Political Party Activity: Study of the Elections of Presidents in Cities with Poviat Rights of the Silesian Voivodeship in 2002-2018

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Kaczmarczyk K.

Political Preferences

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2022

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vol. 30

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issue 1

35-48

EN

Since 2002 in Poland voters in the local government elections can directly elect the head of the rural municipality, mayor and city president. Local elections, in Polish conditions, are treated as an arena favourable for local committees, often non-party. However, it should be noted that many analyses show that the higher the level of self-government, the more important the committees of political parties are. The increase in the participation of political parties in the election competition is also noticeable in medium and large cities. The author decided to check whether the cities with poviat status of the Silesian Voivodeship favour party committees or rather a committee unrelated to any political parties. For this purpose, the participation and effectiveness of these committees in local elections of cities presidents with poviat rights of the Silesian Voivodeship in 2002-2018 was analysed. The study confirmed that the level of politicization in elections is increasing, however, the effectiveness of party committees in the election of city presidents is lower than the effectiveness of local committees. In addition, political parties are more active and influential in larger cities.

4

The Influence of the National Political Scene on the Behavior of Local Politicians and Voters in Polish Local Elections in 2018

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Kozierska J.

Political Preferences

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2019

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issue 23

5-21

EN

Polish local elections in 2018, many months before their commencement, became one of the main elements of the political discourse. Due to the specificity of the electoral calendar, for the first time since the parliamentary and presidential elections in 2015, voters had to assess the actions taken by the Law and Justice (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, PiS) in the electoral act. Of course, this could only happen indirectly, precisely through local elections, which due to their specificity, are not able to fully reflect the balance of powers that operates on the national arena. However, also in this way voters could refer to national events. Expressing support for them by voting on PiS, or by showing negations of their actions by voting for groups remaining in opposition. The aim of the paper is to check whether, in the perception of voters, events on the national political arena determine the behavior of two types of participants in local elections: local politicians and voters.

5

Consequences of the Electoral System in Polish Municipalities – Pathologies and Abuses

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Wasil J., Kuć-Czajkowska K. A., Sidor M.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2018

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vol. 3 (47)

477-490

EN

Pathologies and abuses accompany elections and are connected with the electoral system both in its narrow and broad sense. Moreover, they stem from a human nature and a degree of democratic principles consolidation. Cohabitation is conditioned by the electoral system and, in the case of the proportional allocation of seats, it arises more often than in the majority system with single member constituencies. The phenomenon itself is not always pathological. However, such an adverse situation develops when it comes to clashes, neither substantive nor creative, between the municipal bodies and, in consequence, the interests of the local community are jeopardised. Elections at the municipal level are also accompanied by other pathologies and abuses including: coercing votes when voting by proxy, adding voters to an electoral roll, bringing residents to a polling place, paying for one’s votes, preying on the naïvety of voters which can take grotesque forms or brutalising an election campaign caused by the mediatisation of local policy. The above-mentioned phenomena were examined and presented in the paper based on the analysis of statistical data, articles from the local press and, most essentially for the discussed subject, a rich material collected thanks to the in-depth interviews conducted by the authors.

6

A Local Government Party in Poland? Casus of National League Association

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Szczepański D.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2023

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issue 1(52)

123-131

EN

The purpose of this paper was to present ideas related to the creation of a self-government party in Poland, bringing together representatives of local authorities, community activists and all those for whom the idea of local self-government built „from the bottom up” was close to their hearts. The idea of creating a local government party appeared several times in discussions of members of Liga Krajowa association, which was an active entity on the political scene, a member of Electoral Action Solidarity of the Right, from the list of which League had its parliamentary representation. These concepts first appeared at the basis of the association's formation and then had a close connection with its further presence on the political scene. The local government party was supposed to be an electoral platform with a specific right-wing and centre-right political orientation, as well as to be the most important support for representatives of local authorities, but all efforts in this regard failed.

7

The Specifity of the Local Government Elections in the Opolskie Province in 2018

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Ociepa M.

Political Preferences

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2020

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issue 26

5-26

EN

The objective of this paper is to analyse the political activity of the local community of the Opolskie Province in the local government elections in 2018 and to identify the characteristic features determining its specificity. The attempt to identify the electoral specificity of the region will consist in presenting a characterization of the region in terms of its size and population as well as its administrative and social aspects. An analysis of the elements inseparably connected with the election process, such as geography, voting turnout, the number of electoral registers and candidates, the types of electoral committees, is equally important. And finally, comments on the election results are significant as well. The local government elections of 2018 were held in a specific atmosphere, largely related to the amendment of the election law. Undoubtedly, the most characteristic aspect for the Opolskie Region is its last position among other provinces with regard to size and population, but it should not be forgotten that it is a borderland region inhabited by a high percentage of the German national minority, which actively shapes the image of not only the local communities at every level, but also the entire Opolskie Region as such.

8

Miejsce stałego zamieszkania kandydata jako determinanta decyzji wyborczych w wyborach samorządowych w Polsce

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Marszałek-Kawa J., Rezmer-Płotka K.

Przegląd Sejmowy

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2021

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issue 1(162)

211-223

EN

Among the many determinants of political behaviour in democratic systems, electoral decisions can be considered crucial. In line with the theory of rational choice voters cast their votes for those candidates who represent their important interests. Searching for factors determining contemporary politics is one of the basic tasks of social science researchers. The aim of this article is to determine whether a candidate’s place of permanent residence in a district plays a significant role in the political behaviour of people voting in local government elections and whether — thus — it can be included in the above set. The research hypothesis is that a candidate’s place of permanent residence matters for electoral decisions made in local government elections in Poland. The research was conducted between December 2018 and February 2019 as part of the nationwide research project “Political preferences. Attitudes — identifi-cations — behaviours”. The sample was selected in a quota and stratified manner. Indivisible strata were provinces (N = 16), while quota included elements such as gender, age and place of residence (urban/rural). The research team consisted of 16 provincial coordinators. The research, involving 968 participants, was conducted using a survey questionnaire. The results obtained confirm the great importance of the candidate’s place of residence as a determinant of electoral decisions, and also the validity of Article 10 § 1 point 3 of the Electoral Code.

9

SOCJOTECHNIKA I JEJ KONSEKWENCJE W WYBORACH SAMORZĄDOWYCH Z 2014 ROKU – PRZYKŁADY WYBRANYCH MIAST WOJEWÓDZTWA MAŁOPOLSKIEGO

100%

Pasiut J.

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

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2015

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issue 4(13)

25-39 (15)

EN

The target of the analysis of this thesis is the social engineering’ techniques and methods used by politicians during the local election campaign in the Malopolska voi-vodeship in 2014. The article includes selected examples of various election activities, which could be observed in different cities throughout the region. The examination of the thesis embodied those practices, the main purpose of which is to gain trust and support from the electorate, as well as those activities which have unethical and unfair character. Moreover, the media’s participation in the campaign and their influence on the electorate has been analyzed. The article includes the answer to the question: what influence had involvement of social engineering techniques during the election campaign on local communities and candidates?

10

Исторические, правовые и политические аспекты выборов в региональные органы представительной власти Калининградской области Российской Федерации (1993–2013 гг.)

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Лунев С.

Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne

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2016

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issue 1

301-318

EN

This paper analyzes the regional elections of the deputies to the Kaliningrad Oblast Duma, starting in 1993 and the applicable legislation, and leads to the conclusion that, in general, all the elements of the election system of deputies of the State Duma,or the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation, are replicated in the Kaliningrad region and other units of the Federation. The unification of the electoral legislation across the entire Russian Federation promoted greater similarity of the election systems of different regions, without taking into account their specific character. The transformation of the law on electoral procedures on the federal level, which is still in progress, determines further search for an optimal election model in the Russian Federation.

RU

Калининградская область занимает особое место среди других российских регионов как с исторической точки зрения, ввиду присоединения еек Российской Федерации по итогам Второй мировой войны в 1945 году, таки с географической, как регион, не соединенный с основной территорией России и граничащий только с государствами Евросоюза – Польшей и Литвой. Соответственно, исследование электорального поведения калининградских избирателей на протяжении выборных кампаний 1993–2013 гг. представляет значительный интерес с учетом существенного взаимовлияния и культурно-де-лового обмена области с соседними европейскими странами. Следует отметить, что результаты многочисленных выборных кампаний исследуемого периода в целом отражали общероссийские тенденции и закономерности процессов развития избирательной системы, состояния структур гражданского общества и политических партий, а также избирательного законодательства. На этом историческом этапе прослеживается последовательное формирование системы разделения властей на всем пространстве Российской Федерации. При этом динамика российского федерализма не носила однонаправленного характера и не отличалась последовательностью и стабильностью. Значительным и многократным изменениям подвергались выборные процедуры в региональные законодательные собрания, избирательный процесс на выборах губернаторов. В данной статье приведен анализ проводившихся с 1993 года в регионе избирательных кампаний по выборам депутатов областной Думы и применявше гося законодательства, который позволяет сделать выводы о том, что как в Калининградской области, так и в других субъектах федерации производилось в основном копирование всех элементов избирательной системы, применяемой на выборах депутатов Государственной Думы Федерального Собрания РФ. Унификация избирательного законодательства на всей территории РФ повлекла все большее сходство избирательных систем регионов друг с другом без учета их региональной специфики. Продолжающаяся на федеральном уровне правовая трансформация избирательных процедур определяет дальнейший поиск оптимальной выборной модели в РФ.

11

Wpływ wyznawanych idei i identyfikacji politycznych na decyzje wyborcze w wyborach samorządowych

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Widera Z.

Political Preferences

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2012

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issue 3

227-236

EN

Knowledge of the behavior of the electorate has both its social context, as well as economic. It identifies the social interaction on the behavior of politicians and the effects of their management, moreover reveals the motivations and determines of political sensitivity, the degree of social disapproval and indifference. Rationalize the cost of election campaigns, influences the electoral strategies and the consequent publicity and promotion mechanisms. It also affects the way services are involved in the electoral processes of individuals and businesses. It has a number of theoretical ways of using its wide but especially a practical context. The municipal elections which are the subject of growing interest are identified in the broader electoral context, the connection with other acts of election: elections to the parliament, the European Union and in the end of the presidential elections. The media of social life more and more influence on the behavior of voters, receiving daily spectacle of self-presentation, permanent verbalization of ideas and references to public opinion polls. Voter is willed or not to participate. This causes the increasing consistency of its behavior in the different types of elections.

12

DZIENNIKARSTWO CZY WŁADZA? AMBICJE REGIONALNYCH DZIENNIKÓW W KONTEKŚCIE SAMORZĄDOWEJ KAMPANII WYBORCZEJ W 2010 ROKU

100%

Baran L.

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

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2013

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issue 1(11)

102-117 (16)

EN

Before the local elections in 2010 two newspapers in Rzeszów – the local edition of „Gazeta Wyborcza” and „Super Nowości” – tried to make effort to gain a result in the elections for President of Rzeszów and to the City Council. In the article the instru-ments used by these newspapers are discussed – publications and co-creation of election committee. The text ends with a conclusion that in terms of impact on reality, the ambitions of „GW” could be defined within the media category of soft determinism, but the ambi-tions of „SN” qualify as media hard determinism.

13

Assessing the Correlation Between Women’s Civic Engagement and Elected Political Participation: A Case Study of Six Polish Cities

100%

Dvornichenko D.

Studia Regionalne i Lokalne

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2022

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issue 1(87)

7-21

EN

This paper focuses on the link between women’s civic engagement and elected political participation. The first part presents the theoretical aspects of both concepts – i.e. civic engagement and political involvement – and combines them with another category, namely the descriptive representation of women. The second part of the paper is devoted to the methodology of the present research, which consists of both quantitative and qualitative methods. The quantitative research examines the composition of six city councils in Poland (Wrocław, Kraków, Gdańsk, Łódź, Lublin, and Poznań) as well as city mayorships after the last elections (2018). The results confirm a positive correlation between women’s elected political participation and women’s civic engagement. The qualitative research, based on 11 semi-structured interviews, aims at explaining why the civic sector is dominated by women, even though politics still remains men’s domain. Another objective is to identify particular obstacles that prevent female civic activists from further engagement in politics. Specific recommendations for mitigating the identified obstacles and increasing the number of women in politics are provided.

14

NIEKTÓRE POLITYCZNE SKUTKI REELEKCJI WŁODARZA GMINY – ANALIZA NA PRZYKŁADZIE MIEJSCOWOŚCI Z WOJEWÓDZTWA KUJAWSKO-POMORSKIEGO, ŚWIĘTOKRZYSKIEGO I OPOLSKIEGO

100%

Kubisz - Muła Ł.

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

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2017

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issue 3(15)

18-31 (14)

EN

The supporters of the idea of introducing a term limit for Vogts and mayors argue that long-lasting incumbency leads, among other things, to atrophy of political involve-ment at the local level. The aim of the article is to validate the above-mentioned belief through checking how the duration of tenure of Vogts and mayors affects the voter turn-out and the number of candidates in the local elections. The study draws on the data from National Electoral Commission regarding the re-sults of and candidates in the local elections (2002, 2006, 2010 and 2014) in 317 Polish electoral districts. The statistical analysis reveals that time of incumbency can correlate negatively with po-litical engagement in some aspects, although these relationships are not very strong.

15

Prawo do udziału w wyborach na szczeblu lokalnym jako forma partycypacji politycznej imigrantów. Polska na tle innych krajów europejskich

100%

Trojanowska-Strzęboszewska M.

Political Preferences

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2013

|

issue 7

93-114

EN

The article analyzes the problem of immigrants’ participation in the elections on a local level as a display of political activity and the means of integration of the country and its migrants. Assuming the European-wide perspective it is noticeable that given countries differentiate in the level of enabling immigrants to participate in the political life. In Scandinavia and several north European countries there is the highest rate of immigrants’ participation, on the other hand, in the countries that joined the EU in 2004 the rate is the lowest. In 2010 immigrants without the EU citizenship were able to run for the local elections in 13 European countries and they had the voting right in 19 countries. In Poland only the EU citizens are allowed to participate in the elections. The research into the legal solutions enabling immigrants (especially those who are not from the EU) to acquire more voting rights proved to have interesting results. The research has shown that over a half of the people willing to participate in the parliamentary elections is for granting the voting rights to immigrants. According to the research among the electorates, the substantial percentage of the Platforma Obywatelska voters proved to be in favor of granting the voting rights to immigrants. Less support is displayed by the potential voters of SLD and Ruch Palikota. Furthermore, the majority of the PiS voters is against the immigrants’ participation in the local elections. Finally, the results of the research show that voters perceive differently the problem of granting immigrants the right to vote versus the right to stand for the elections. Although the first one is accepted by the majority of voters, the latter - not so much.

16

Demokracja lokalna a idea ograniczenia liczby kadencji wójtów (burmistrzów, prezydentów miast)

100%

Kowalik J.

Political Preferences

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2015

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issue 10

159-176

EN

For some time there is a debate on the term of office mayor sand presidents of cities. Subject of the article is to analyze views on democracy and indicators of democracy, including the local dimension in the context of the controversy over the long cadence reeves impact on the functioning of local government. The author also extends to public opinion polls on the issue of limiting the cadence of mayors. We are analyzing the arguments of supporters and opponents of limiting the cadence of executive power in municipalities, as well as the dilemmas associated with the consequences of such restrictions for the quality of democracy. Limiting cadence has as many supporters as opponents – both sides have serious arguments for their positions.

17

Pomorze Zachodnie – „bastion PO”? Wybory do Sejmiku Województwa Zachodniopomorskiego w 2014 roku

100%

Kowalczyk K.

Opuscula Sociologica

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2015

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issue 3(13)

59-75

PL

W artykule przeanalizowano wybory do Sejmiku Województwa Zachodniopomorskiego w 2014 roku. W szczególności skupiono się na sytuacji na rynku politycznym, strukturze rywalizacji wyborczej, programach komitetów i wynikach wyborów. W wyborach pozycję lidera utrzymała Platforma Obywatelska, zdobywając 31,94% głosów. Wybory były sukcesem Polskiego Stronnictwa Ludowego (20,58% głosów), przegraną Sojuszu Lewicy Demokratycznej (11,82% głosów) i potwierdziły stabilną pozycję Prawa i Sprawiedliwości (19,27% głosów). W wyniku wyborów została utworzona koalicja rządząca Platforma Obywatelska – Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe.

EN

The paper analyzes the elections to the West Pomeranian Parliament of the Province in 2014. In particular the situation on the political market, electoral competition structure, programs, committees, and election results are analyzed. Civic Platform (PO) sustained the leading position, winning 31.94% of votes. The elections were successful to the Polish People’s Party (PSL, 20.58% of the vote), the defeat of the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD, 11.82% of the vote), and confirmed the stable position of Law and Justice (PiS, 19.27% of the votes). The outcome of the election set up PO-PSL coalition.

18

Zjawisko reelekcji prezydenta miasta w świetle wyników badań exit poll z wyborów samorządowych w Bielsku-Białej

89%

Kubisz-Muła Ł.

Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne

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2016

|

issue 1

117-134

EN

The aim of the article is to indicate determinants of, so called, city mayors reelection phenomenon by using survey methodology. The article is based on two exit poll surveys’ data, conducted in 2006 (n=1769) and in 2014 (n=1160).The analysis has shown statistically significant relationships between voting for an incumbent and some socio-demographical variables (such as age and socio-economic status), voting motivations (particularly motives of candidates’ accomplishments) and intensity of one of socio-psychological human being feature which is an aversion toward changes. The evidence that voting for reelection correlates with the level of personal political knowledge has not been found.

PL

Celem artykułu jest określenie uwarunkowań reelekcji prezydenta miasta za pomocą badań sondażowych typu exit poll zrealizowanych w dniu elekcji samorządowych z roku 2006 (n=1769) i z roku 2014 (n=1160). Analizy wykazały istotne statystycznie związki między głosowaniem na inkumbenta a wiekiem i kategorią społeczno-ekonomiczną wyborców, deklarowanymi przez nich motywacjami głosowania w wyborach prezydenta miasta (szczególnie jeżeli chodzi o deklarację motywu dokonań) oraz poziomem wykazywanej przez głosujących niechęci wobec zmian. Badania nie ujawniły natomiast związków między głosowaniem za reelekcją a poziomem wiedzy politycznej.

19

Wielokadencyjność prezydenta miasta po wejściu Polski do UE – przypadek Gdyni

89%

Drzonek M.

Przegląd Politologiczny

|

2014

|

issue 4

177-189

EN

The article is an attempt to show the specificity mayor of Polish city who is in term of office for at least three times. The analysis is based on the case of president Wojciech Szczurek from Gdynia who had been elected with great majority in direct elections. The context of Poland’s presence in EU structures was one of the most important in this analysis. The basic research question is as follows: if the mayor of town’s multi-incumbency may allow for greater use of Polish membership in the EU? The article presents the W. Szczurek’s results in direct elections conducted in Poland in the years 2002, 2006 and 2010. The comparison of the Gdynia’s absorption of EU funds was also examined, as well as the importance of “The Open Letter to the Polish Politicians and Journalists. Lets Defend Polish Interests” (4th Feb, 2014). In this text W. Szczurek criticized some European Commission’s actions in Poland.

PL

Artykuł jest próbą pokazania specyfiki władania prezydenta polskiego miasta wybieranego co najmniej trzykrotnie. W sposób szczególny został wzięty pod uwagę kontekst obecności Polski w strukturach UE. Jako przypadek analizowany w zaprezentowanej analizie wzięto prezydenturę Wojciecha Szczurka w Gdyni. Podstawowe pytanie badawcze określono następująco: czy wielokadencyjność może pozwolić prezydentowi miasta na większe wykorzystanie członkostwa Polski w UE? W artykule zaprezentowano wyniki wyborcze W. Szczurka w elekcjach bezpośrednich przeprowadzanych w Polsce w latach 2002, 2006 i 2010. W celu odpowiedzi na pytanie badawcze przeanalizowano wielkość absorpcji środków unijnych przez Gdynię oraz oceniono znaczenie Listu otwartego do polskich polityków i dziennikarzy. Brońmy polskich interesów (4.02.2014), w którym W. Szczurek poddał krytyce działanie Komisji Europejskiej.

20

Nielojalne szable? O badaniu zaplecza prezydenta miasta in spe za pomocą zmodyfikowanej metody AHP

88%

Drzonek M.

Political Preferences

|

2016

|

issue 12

57-71

EN

The article contents some results of research on political preferences of candidates for City Council in Szczecin. The survey was done just before the 2014 local elections. In the survey’s results published in this paper, the main object was to determine the relation of candidates for councilors to competition for the mayor of Szczecin. The analysis is focused on the issues of mayor’s potential attributes such as: previous achievements, personal competence, image, party affiliation and program for action in future. Moreover the concentration was also done on preferences of mayor’s candidates: it was very interesting to compare answers on the question who would be better mayor of Szczecin. In the research the modified Analytic Hierarchy Process methods was used. Firstly, the modification, called the method of weighting the selection preferences, showed Piotr Krzystek (mayor of Szczecin since 2006) as a most preferred pretender in 2014 - the majority of party electoral committees recognized him as a second choice candidate. Secondary, each electoral committee had disloyal followers.

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