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PL
Przemieszczanie się ludności między kontynentami jest coraz częstsze, szybsze i łatwiejsze. W ostatnich latach popularnym celem wypraw turystów są głównie kraje strefy tropikalnej. Bardzo gorący klimat oraz nie najlepszy stan sanitarno-higieniczny powodują ogromne zagrożenie nabycia wielu chorób, które są charakterystyczne dla rejonów egzotycznych. Malaria obecnie jest na trzecim miejscu wśród najważniejszych chorób zakaźnych na świecie, zaraz po AIDS i gruźlicy. Te choroby łącznie powodują więcej niż połowę wszystkich zgonów na całym świecie z powodu chorób infekcyjnych. Malaria jest najczęstszą chorobą człowieka w skali globu. Uważa się, że 40–45% populacji, w tym aż 40% dzieci, żyje na obszarach endemicznych malarii. Trudno o dokładne dane statystyczne pokazujące zachorowalność w Polsce na choroby tropikalne. Pierwszorzędowym zarażeniem pasożytniczym o globalnym znaczeniu jest malaria. Liczba przeniesionych z terenów malarycznych do Europy przypadków przekracza rocznie 10 000, a wywołana nimi śmiertelność stanowi kilka procent. W pracy przedstawiono kierunki rozprzestrzeniania się tej choroby na świecie z uwzględnieniem jej występowania na terytorium Polski.
EN
Population movements between continents is becoming more frequent, faster and easier. In recent years, tropical countries are the most popular travel destination. Very hot climate, poor sanitary-hygienic state cause a huge threat of acquire many diseases that are characteristic of the exotic regions. Malaria is now in third place among the most important infectious diseases in the world, after AIDS and tuberculosis. In total, they cause more than half of all deaths worldwide caused by infectious diseases. Malaria is the most common human disease in the global scale. It is believed that 40–45% of the population, including 40% of children living in malaria endemic areas. It is difficult to obtain accurate statistics on the incidence of tropical diseases Poland. The primary parasitic infection of global importance is malaria. Total transferred cases from malarial areas to Europe exceed 10 000 and mortality mortality is a few percent. The paper presents trends in the spread of the disease in the world with regard to its presence on Polish territory.
EN
At the end of the 19th century, Estonian settlers encountered malaria in the Volga region and Siberia, but outbreaks with the most serious consequences hit Estonians in the Black Sea coastal region of the Caucasus. The article looks at the first contact of the local Estonians with malaria, how the disease affected migrations and settlement activities, what the Estonians’ descriptions of the disease were, what the causes of the disease were believed to be, how malaria was treated, and what preventive measures were used against the disease. Although malaria had also been present in many parts of Europe in earlier centuries, it had almost disappeared in the second half of the 19th century due to improved hygiene and sanitation. Europeans encountered malaria mainly in colonial countries, and so did Estonians. While in Estonia there were still several outbreaks of malaria in the first half of the 19th century, it was no longer a problem in the second half of the century. Now, Estonians came into contact with malaria mainly abroad – in warmer and wetter regions, where Estonian men had been conscripted into military service (e.g., the Russo-Turkish War, the Crimean War; cf. the Turkish disease) or where they had emigrated and established settlements. The resettling of Estonians to the Caucasus, which took place in the last quarter of the 19th century, cannot be described without mentioning malaria. Malaria hit Estonians primarily in settlements built in coastal areas, where there were sufficiently moist conditions for the development of malaria mosquitoes. Estonian colonists fell very ill in the first years of settlement, and their mortality rates were high. Many Estonians decided to return to their homeland due to malaria. The struggle of the Estonian settlers of the Black Sea coast of the Caucasus with malaria occurred at a time when science had not yet discovered either the plasmodium that causes malaria or the role of mosquitoes in the transmission of the disease. The colonial authorities had introduced quinine as an antimalarial agent, which was distributed to the settlers, including Estonians, and began to drain the land, but the mechanisms of the disease’s origin and spread were unknown. This is also reflected in the disease explanations and treatment methods that were common among Estonian settlers. Folk names and magical healing methods for malaria were brought from Estonia, and were applied in combination with methods from conventional medicine. Neither the first nor the others corresponded to the true nature of the disease. Although malaria has been familiar in Estonia as well, also as a mythological disease, the mythological aspect has not been thoroughly thematized in the material of Caucasian Estonians, which does not mean that it was unknown. Although there are no surviving legends related to malaria as a mythological disease, and malaria is not presented as a disease demon, this may be due to the choice of the medium: our knowledge of Estonians’ struggle with malaria comes from reports sent to Estonian newspapers by the settlers, but the newspapers preferred to publish rational texts – the mythological side of the malaria lore, if it was known, was not present in the articles published in the newspapers. However, some treatment techniques have been preserved that convince that malaria was also explained mythologically. The treatment methods also betray the fact that the line between rational and mythological explanations may have been blurred: both old magical treatment methods and new medications offered by conventional medicine were used. As malaria was one of the main factors hindering settlement activities in the Caucasus, which is reflected by a rather extensive return migration, it acquired an important place in the so-called founding narrative of the settlements over time. Malaria was part of the wild nature that had to be conquered in order to achieve a stable existence and future for ourselves and future generations. The cutting down of dense forests and the struggle with wild animals threatening the settlers’ households was marked by hard work, which in turn testified to the settlers’ work ethic. Malaria was also attributed to intensive work. This confirmed the self-image of Estonians, for whom hard work has an important role. Information about the discovery of the causative plasmodium of malaria at the end of the 19th century, which proved the role of mosquitoes in the spread of malaria, reached the Caucasus with a slight time lag. It especially concerns the late arrival of new knowledge among the colonists – earlier knowledge about the connection of malaria with humidity and poisonous vapours remained among Estonian settlers even in the 20th century. Based on the new knowledge, the authorities improved the previous anti-malaria measures – during the Soviet times, a certain type of fish was cultivated in the water bodies, which destroyed the mosquito larvae. Swamp drainage, anti-humidity measures in building architecture, deforestation for farmlands and eucalyptus planting were in use in the late 19th century and destroyed the breeding grounds for mosquitoes even before the connection between mosquitoes and malaria was discovered. These methods are still in use today, because malaria has not really been eradicated from the Caucasus.
EN
Objectives This study analyzed the effect of the number of mosquito nets that are owned by households, dwelling characteristics and maternal demographic characteristics on malaria infections. Material and Methods The 2011 Demographic and Health Survey (DHS) data for children under 5 years of age were used. The children were subjected to haemoglobin test and rapid diagnostic test (RDT) to ascertain the presence of malaria parasites. Data were analyzed using probit regression method. Results It was found that 2.43% and 8.68% of the children were living in houses that were prone to landslide and flooding, respectively. Also, 19.93%, 17.08% and 16.26% of the children lived in houses without windows, with broken windows, and with a hole in the roof, respectively. Only 5.59% and 23.96% of the children lived in houses with window and door nets, respectively. Mosquito nets were owned by 64.03% of the households, where Adamawa Region had the lowest coverage (52.23%). Reasons for not owning mosquito nets by all the households included: lack of financial means (25.17%), using something else (1.80%) and not having many mosquitoes in the vicinity (5.53%). In the probit regression, variables that significantly reduced malaria infections among the children (p < 0.05) included: the number of mosquito nets, urban residence, improved toilet, ownership of a radio, residence in flood-prone area, mother’s secondary education, mother’s tertiary education and residence in areas with not many mosquitoes, while infections increased along with the household size, residence in areas prone to landslide, severe anaemia, moderate anaemia, mild anaemia and age of the children. Conclusions Ownership of mosquito nets and dwelling characteristics are critical factors influencing infections with malaria. There is a need to ensure compliance with its use since there are disparities between access and actual usage. Also, addressing malaria problem in Cameroon should consider regional disparity in malaria incidence rates and more engagement of the media, among others, for appropriate sensitization.
EN
Introduction and aim. Accurate identification of Plasmodium species is important because of the differences in their treatment. We aimed to investigate the role of hematological and biochemical parameters in the differentiation of Plasmodium falciparum and other plasmodium species. Material and methods. This is a retrospective study. Patients admitted to the emergency department with signs and symptoms of malaria were included into the study. Patients with malaria were grouped as P. falciparum and others. Hematological parameters of two groups were compared by univariate and multivariate analysis. Statistical analysis was performed using the Jamovi. Results. A total of 107 patients were included in the study. According to univariant and multivariant analysis there was no difference in between two groups in the terms of blood urea nitrogen, aspartate aminotransferase, total bilirubin, hemoglobin, hematocrit, white blood cell count, platelet count, and mean platelet volume (in univariate analysis p values were 0.029, 0.011, 0.019, 0.171, 0.870, 0.307, 0.042, and 0.276, respectively and in multivariate analysis p values for blood urea nitrogen, aspartate aminotransferase, total bilirubin, hemoglobin, and platelet count were 0.100, 0.535, 0.328, and 0.213, respectively). Conclusion. The investigated hematological and biochemical parameters were found to be not valuable in predicting type of malaria. On the other hand, we recommend confirming the results of our study with larger samples and multicenter studies.
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EN
Malaria, along with tuberculosis and HIV/AIDS is one of the three most dangerous infectious diseases in the World. 200 million people are affected annually and 600 thousand die as a result of the disease. Many governmental and non-governmental organizations combat malaria in various ways by promoting prophylaxis and effective treatment of the disease. Because of its prevalence in over 100 countries, malaria has enormous impact on the economies of these regions, with expenditures on treatment amounting to 40% of total health care costs. In the medical field, effective treatment of malaria remains a challenge because, since 2008, resistance to every available drug has been described. Malaria has been treated for ages as a real threat to military operations, causing service unfitness more often than trauma in combat. In the economic aspect, malaria is a great burden for the endemic areas and losses in whole Africa amount to $100 million GDP per year. Low-income households spend up to 28% of their earnings. Modernization and expansion of agriculture without increasing transmission of malaria also remains a challenge. In conclusion, effective combating malaria will allow economic growth and strengthening of security in whole Africa. Cooperation of international and national organizations with basic healthcare providers is crucial in order for prevention and treatment to reach average people.
EN
In the 17th century, the so-called Peruvian powder, i.e., the powdered bark of a tree called the fever tree by the local Indians arrived in Europe from South America.  It cured a large number of people of malaria. In the nineteenth century, the medicinal alkaloid quinine was isolated from the bark and its synthetic production began. At the same time, attempts were made to obtain seedlings of the cinchona tree and cultivate it in other regions of the world. The Netherlands turned out to be the most effective, establishing cinchona plantations in their colony in Indonesia. In the 19th century, quinine was added to sparkling water, and this was combined with gin. The resulting drink was used as an antimalarial by the British military in South Asia.
PL
W XVII w. z Ameryki Południowej dotarł do Europy tzw. proszek peruwiański, czyli sproszkowana kora drzewa zwanego przez miejscowych Indian drzewem gorączki. Dzięki niej wyleczono z malarii dużą liczba ludzi. W XIX w. z kory wyizolowano leczniczy alkaloid, chininę i przystąpiono do syntetycznej jej produkcji. Jednocześnie podjęto próby zdobycia sadzonek drzewa chinowego i podjęcia jego hodowli w innych regionach świata. Najskuteczniejsze okazały się Niderlandy, zakładając plantacje chinowca w swojej kolonii w Indonezji. W XIX w. chininę zaczęto dodawać do wody gazowanej, a tę łączono z ginem. Powstały napój stosowany jako środek antymalaryczny w wojsku brytyjskim w Azji Południowej.
EN
The aim of the study is to analyse the images of the epidemic of tertian fevers in Topografía hipocrática o descripción de la epidemia de calenturas tercianas intermitentes malignas, continuo-remitentes, perniciosas complicadas (1795) by Félix Ibáñez (ca. 1738-1808), one of the most comprehensive studies dedicated to malaria in the 18th century Spain. They are examined from the perspective of the importance of visual representations of the illness in the 18th century, related to a radical transition from a logocentric to a visually dependent culture, which took place in the field of art and medicine in theEnlightenment.
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