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2012
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vol. 5
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issue 2(9)
204-223
EN
Considering the changes in media and in society that have occurred since the heyday of the Democratic Corporatist Model, with its strong emphasis on institutionalized self-regulation of the press (Hallin & Mancini, 2004), this article examines changes in attitudes towards media accountability measures among policymakers. Attitudes prevalent in the peak years of political pressure on the media system in the Democratic Corporatist countries are compared with the attitudes existing today. The data studied are printed minutes of media debates in the Swedish Parliament in the 1960s and similar debates in recent years, Sweden being a typical country for the model. The comparison indicates that both the views on media defi ciencies and the views on remedies have changed over the last 40 years. Accountability measures are still in demand, although more through governance than from government.
EN
It is estimated that there are about 1.5 thousand non-governmental organizations in the region of the Lublin voivodeship, the almost half of which declare to be engaged in the charity and voluntary activity. Two organizations deserve a closer attention, that is Centrum Duszpasterstwa Młodzieży Archidiecezji Lubelskiej (CDM) (Center of Ministry for the Youth from the Lublin archdiocese) and Stowarzyszenia Centrum Wolontariatu in Lublin (CW) (Volunteer Center). In the collective awareness of Lublin’s citizens, those two subjects form a community which offers the youth a number of possibilities for involvement, especially is voluntary work. Is the popularity of the volunteer organizations reflected in the interest of the media? This article tries to answer this question by analyzing the local press in the Lublin voivodeship.
Com.press
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2021
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vol. 4
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issue 1
6-21
EN
The U.S. presidential elections in 2020 went down in history for many reasons, including the record turnout, the record number of mail votes, and the announcement of victory by the losing candidate, the incumbent president. The American media expected this post-election disinformation and behaved responsibly by consistently reporting the lack of a winner when a significant number of votes remained uncounted in the key states. Twitter, thanks to D. Trump, became one of the main forms of communication between the president and the public. Therefore, the precautions introduced by this portal regarding the premature announcement of victory were particularly important. The analysis is based on the broadcasts of the main American TV stations (CNN, Fox News) and Trump's tweets. Using critical discourse analysis, we examine the thesis that the responsibility of traditional and social media in 2020 made enormous social unrest impossible and led to a peaceful change of power.
PL
Wybory prezydenckie w USA w 2020 r. przeszły do historii. Cechowały je: rekordowa frekwencja, rekordowa liczba głosów korespondencyjnych oraz ogłoszenie zwycięstwa przez przegranego kandydata – wówczas jeszcze urzędującego prezydenta. Media amerykańskie, spodziewając się dezinformacji wyborczej, wykazały się odpowiedzialnością i konsekwentnie informowały o braku zwycięzcy w sytuacji niepoliczenia znacznej liczby głosów w kluczowych stanach. Twitter za sprawą D. Trumpa stał się jedną z głównych form komunikacji prezydenta ze społeczeństwem. Stąd szczególnie istotne były zabezpieczenia wprowadzone przez ten portal dotyczące przedwczesnego ogłoszenia zwycięstwa. Artykuł, wykorzystując krytyczną analizę dyskursu, na podstawie materiałów głównych stacji telewizyjnych (CNN, Fox News) oraz twittów Trumpa, bada tezę, że odpowiedzialność mediów tradycyjnych oraz społecznościowych w 2020 roku uniemożliwiła doprowadzenie do ogromnych niepokojów społecznych oraz doprowadziła do pokojowej zmiany władzy.
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