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EN
The Estonian Museum of Hygiene (predecessor to the current one) was established in 1922. One of its principles was to collect and analyse knowledge of folk medicine to inform the public about incorrect treatment and to enhance proper, advanced medical knowledge. The museum’s contributors were voluntary private persons as well as schools and medical students. The exact number of contributors is not clear. By 1935 around 16,000 lines of folk medicine data had been collected, and various folk medicine equipment was displayed as part of the permanent exhibition. The article introduces physician Voldemar Sumberg’s efforts as a student in 1921 (together with other medical students), and as the museum’s director in 1924–1925 in collecting folk medicine information, and gives an overview of the remains of the collection that are currently preserved at the National Archives of Estonia. The museum stressed the need to save folk knowledge and data and to map the locations and activities of folk healers. The physicians tried to learn about the ‘enemy’ to point out the false treatment used among people. The 1921 and possibly also the 1924 collecting campaigns were conducted in collaboration with the Estonian National Museum, and probably also the Estonian Folklore Archives was consulted; the collecting strategies for folk medicine data did not differ much. The main difference lies in the attitude of the physicians to detect true and false in folk treatment, while the ethnographers-folklorists proceeded from the point of view of a ‘complete collection’, thus trying to collect every piece of information possible without adopting a disparaging attitude. V. Sumberg proved that medical professionals also tried to understand folk medicine, and to bring both folk and medical medicine close together without creating superfluous opposition. Considering the still strong position of folk healers in Estonia between the two world wars, it made perfect sense to gather such data to be preserved in the collections of the Museum of Hygiene. The remaining documentation of the museum, which began to wane at the end and after the Second World War, does not clarify the extent to which folk medicine material, either manuscripts or healing devices, were on display at the exhibition. It is certain though that some of the medical tools were on display. It is not ungrounded to argue that this section of the exhibition drew response from the visitors. Today, there are approximately 2000 lines left of all the materials concerning the folk medicine collection in the funds of the National Archives preserving files on the Museum of Hygiene. This involves both direct folk medicine data with names of collectors, notes without clear authorship, and data of folk healers’ names, places of residence, and fields of activity. Additionally, there are corresponding newspaper clippings, offprints of newspaper articles, handwritten notes by Sumberg, etc. The article also presents examples of folk treatment. The rest of the materials, field diaries of medical students hired by the museum, photographs, etc., were destroyed at the end of the Second World War or later. On the other hand, what is left of the collection is very versatile and offers both confirmation and addition to other such data in different folklore collections.
EN
Using the sources written by Johannes Baptista Montanus (1489–1551), by his students, and the existing historiography, the article aims to determine what role this Italian physician played in the development of diagnostic and therapeutic procedures, to what extent he is rightly considered the creator of clinical medicine, who were his mentors, and what were the methods of diagnosis and treatment he employed. Montanus was a professor at the University of Padua, and he has earned an ineffaceable place in the history of this university, where medicine was taught at a high level. At the same time, he worked as the head of St. Francis hospital. He was known for combining theoretical and practical knowledge in teaching at university. This method has become a permanent element of the teaching of medicine in Europe. He discussed the patient’s symptoms, then made a diagnosis, and recommended appropriate therapy directly at the patient’s bed, where the so-called consilia were held. This scheme of diagnostic and therapeutic procedure was named after him the ‘Collegium Montani’ and found many supporters among students who made notes while standing by the patient’s bed. The Consilia were later printed, and thus the treatments recommended and used by Montanus can be analyzed. Walenty Sierpiński of Lublin (also known as Valentinus Lublinus, b. 2nd half of the 16th century– d. before 1600) was among a large group of Montanus’s students. His merits include collecting, organizing and then publishing his master’s lectures. Considered to be Montanus’s most important work, Consultationum medicinalium Centuria prima, was published by Walenty of Lublin in Venice in 1554 (ex officina Erasmiana), and it contains one hundred pieces of medical advice given to one hundred patients. A few years later, a continuation of this work (Consultationum medicinalium Centuria secunda, ed. by Johannes Crato, Venice 1559) was published, containing further one hundred recommendations. Montanus was a promoter of physical examination as a method of obtaining knowledge about the patients’ health. He was regarded as a follower of Galen, Rhazes, and Avicenna and published critical studies on their treatment methods.
EN
The Magic Mountain (1924) relates an account of erotic passion. Both Hans Castorp’s emotional state and the object of his desire are characterised in a thermographic manner. The thermometer, which he buys (or, rather, acquires), is at once a Dingsymbol part of the discourse of desire and a real object common in tuberculosis sanatoria prior to the First World War. Castorp’s temperature of 37.6 degrees Celsius objectively quantifies his subjective sensibility. This specific constellation creates ironic dis-tance in the novel’s tale.
EN
The article discusses case report as a literary genre of complex status and purpose: specialist (medical), popular and literary, extending beyond time and space, constantly evolving (to such an extent that one could even speak of a biography of case report). The notion of case report is not synonymous with medical history, although both are closely related. The aim of this article is to juxtapose different theoretical approaches (both medical and literary) and to introduce the concept of case report to Polish literary studies.
EN
What kind of relationships had Dr. Eduard Bloch, with the creator of the ephemeral ‘Aryan’ empire? How did this humble provincial doctor get Hitler’s recognition and even gratitude? Should we sought the sources of antisemitism of the German leader in the tragic circumstances of this relationship? Dr. Eduard Bloch treated Hitler’s mother, caring her to the very end. The future Führer never forgot the sacrifice of the Jewish doctor, and after coming to power surrounded him and his whole family with care and protection. This refutes the old risky thesis about Bloch as a subconscious catalyst of Hitler’s antisemitism. The roots of Hitler’s antisemitism should rather be sought in the atmosphere of the era — ‘scientific’ literature, journalism — from studies with scientific ambitions to leaflets. Finally, biographical threads and personal resentment cannot be ruled out here. There is no simple and straightforward answer.
PL
Jakie relacje łączyły doktora Eduarda Blocha z twórcą efemerycznego „aryjskiego” imperium? W jaki sposób ten skromny prowincjonalny lekarz zdobył uznanie, a nawet wdzięczność Hitlera? Czy źródeł antysemityzmu „wodza” Niemiec należy szukać w tragicznych okolicznościach związanych z tą znajomością? Doktor Eduard Bloch leczył matkę Hitlera, z oddaniem opiekując się chorą aż do ostatnich chwil jej życia. Przyszły Führer nigdy nie zapomni poświęcenia żydowskiego lekarza, i po dojściu do władzy otoczy Blocha oraz całą jego rodzinę opieką. Pozwala to odrzucić dawną ryzykowną tezę o doktorze Blochu jako podświadomym katalizatorze antysemityzmu Hitlera. Korzeni uprzedzeń etnicznych dyktatora należy szukać raczej w klimacie epoki – literaturze „naukowej”, publicystyce – od poważnych opracowań o ambicjach naukowych po pisma ulotne. Wreszcie, nie można wykluczyć tu wątków biograficznych, osobistych urazów. Nie ma tutaj prostej i jednoznacznej odpowiedzi.
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