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EN
The authors discuss possibilities and limits for applying a research model of the study of memory politics, originally developed by them with the aim to research the Polish case only, to other countries of East Central Europe which after the WW II formed the sphere of the Soviet domination. They pose a question whether it should be appropriate to combine it with the so called transnational approach.
EN
On 8 September 1968, Ryszard Siwiec set fi re to himself during a harvest festival in the 10th Anniversary Stadium in Warsaw. Through his self-immolation, he sought to protest against Communist rule in general and the Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia in particular. However, his death did not gain wider attention. Further protests ‘by fi re’ took place in the subsequent months and years in East Central Europe. Among them was the self-immolation by the Czech student Jan Palach in Prague. In contrast to Siwiec, this young man was immediately recognized as a martyr in Czechoslovakia as well as on the other side of the Iron Curtain. It was only after 1989 that Ryszard Siwiec’s story became increasingly well-known. Today, his act still remains in the shadow of Palach’s, however. This article deals with the marginal position of Siwiec in the Polish national pantheon. By reflecting on the various constraints on creating martyrs in state and post-socialism, it focuses on one particular aspect of Polish and Czech – or rather Polish-Czech – memory politics. As for the ‘Polish Palach’ Ryszard Siwiec, the paper demonstrates that Czechs have played a crucial role in popularizing him.
EN
The aim of the article is to analyse the value of myth and legend in shaping historical policy. The activity of politicians and their influence on shaping historical policy is most often associated with political change, secession, reconstruction, or state renewal. The creators of these transformations seek to find historical connections in the past that would legitimise the changes and the purposefulness of the actions taken by the government. Historians play a considerable role in such endeavours; however, they should not forget historical truth, which may conflict with political needs.
EN
The objective of the study is analysis of the collective memory of the inhabitants of Gorzów Wielkopolski – one of the two capital cities of the Lubusz Voivodship. Due to its border location, as well as an ethnically and culturally complex social structure, this city is an interesting case study of the formation of historical awareness on a local scale. The scientific problem involves the study of selected places of remembrance, historical policy of the local government and media discourse. The article is limited to the presentation of the most important places of memory, the analysis of the historical policy of the local government, and also examines the local discourse relating to historical figures and events of the past. Thanks to this, two foundations of collective memory of the contemporary inhabitants of Gorzów Wielkopolski have been determined. The first is a sense of continuity between the history of German Landsberg and the Polish Gorzów. The grassroots actions of regionalists and the systematic policies of the local government led to the „recovery” for the public sphere of this part of local history, which remained marginalized during the period of the Polish People’s Republic. The second foundation is the so-called eastern borderland history, which has been gaining importance in local collective memory for several years. The author puts forward the hypothesis that the case of Gorzów and the collective memory of its inhabitants shows the interpenetration of many levels: the private and public sphere, the grassroots activity and policies of the local government, the functioning of the media, or finally the local specificities and the activity of the central institutions, and in the case of this border region also of foreign institutions. For this purpose, the following methods were used, among others: historical method, descriptive method, analysis of discourse. The main part of the article is preceded by theoretical considerations on collective memory and its carriers and a characterization of the history of Gorzów, particular attention being paid to the groundbreaking year 1945 and its consequences for the contemporary city.
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EN
Emil Korytko, a Polish student in Lwów (Galicia, Austrian partition), was arrested on accusations of activity in a Polish independence movement organisation. After over two years long investigation and imprisonment, he was exiled to Ljubljana (Laibach), the capital of Carniola. While living in exile, he collected and studied Slovene folk poetry and the customs of Carniola, thus becoming a pioneer of Slovenian ethnology and at the same time one of the most influential activists of Slovenian national awakening. In Slovenia he is known better than in his native country. In November 2013, the University in Ljubljana (Faculty of Philosophy) organized, in cooperation with the Embassy of Poland in Slovenia, a symposium dedicated to the celebration of the 200th anniversary of his birth, including an exhibition about his life and career, held in the National and the University Library of Slovenia. In June 2019 this exhibition, supplemented by several documents, was held in the Slovenian Parliament as a celebration of the 180th anniversary of Korytko’s death. The bilingual book presented here reflects these cultural celebrations and the current state of knowledge about Polish-Slovenian ethnographer, philologist, poet, and translator.
EN
The text focuses on the possibilities offered by a spatial perspective for the study, teaching, and sharing of experiences with state socialism. The authors offer an insight into the concept developed during the creation of an interactive map. The map aims to visualize the Communist Party’s attempt to interpret Czechoslovak history in the public environment. The relics of its cultural policy in the current public sphere present opportunities for the use of the map in education.
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How Communists Wanted to Remember Communism

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PL
Prezentowany tekst to esej recenzyjny na temat książki Historical Memory of Central and East European Communism (pod redakcją Agnieszki Mrozik i Stanislava Holubeca, Routledge 2018).
EN
This is a review essay discussing an edited volume titled Historical Memory of Central and East European Communism (eds. Agnieszka Mrozik and Stanislav Holubec, Routledge 2018).
EN
Each year, the Sejm and Senate of the Republic of Poland pass the resolutions choosing the patrons of the year. Its goal is to commemorate the important – in the opinion of the members of parliament – people or events. It is also usually connected to the further commemorative activity. The aim of the paper is to analyse such resolutions regarding the year 2022. The focus is put on role of the political divisions in both chambers of the parliament and their influence on the final choice of the commemorated people or events. The analysis shows that the resolutions do not necessarily need to cause conflict – with the exception of the people who can be considered as the participants of the present political feud.
PL
Każdego roku Sejm oraz Senat RP przyjmują uchwały ustanawiające dany rok rokiem osoby lub wydarzenia. Ma to na celu uhonorowanie ważnych – zdaniem parlamentarzystów – elementów historii. Zazwyczaj związane jest także z podejmowaniem dalszych działań upamiętniających. Celem artykułu jest analiza uchwał rocznicowych przyjętych na 2022 rok. Skupia się ona na roli podziałów politycznych widocznych w tych organach oraz ich wpływie na finalny wybór uhonorowanych osób czy wydarzeń. Analiza wskazuje, że uchwały te niekoniecznie muszą być źródłem konfliktu. Wyjątkiem są tu osoby, które mogą być postrzegane jako uczestnicy aktualnego sporu politycznego.
RU
Вопросы истории Японии на протяжении многих лет исследовались многими учеными, в том числе в связи с политикой и образованием. Тем не менее, в основном они исследуются по одному вопросу с одной точки зрения, например, международного права или прав человека. В рамках исследования, проводимого в рамках докторской диссертации, данная статья ставит своей целью выяснить, изменялись ли и как взаимодействовали между собой исторические проблемы и позиция японского правительства по этим вопросам в период с 1982 по 2022 год. Сопоставление официальных заявлений и содержания учебников по исторической проблематике позволяет установить связь между ними и получить более полное представление об исторической политике Японии как системе. Гипотеза данной работы заключается в том, что историческая политика оказывает косвенное влияние на образовательную политику и на написание учебников. На данном этапе исследования можно сделать вывод о том, что в Японии существует множество исторических проблем, признанных таковыми, но их признание стало следствием претензий других участников. Эти претензии выдвигались различными субъектами в подходящее время, используя историю как инструмент. Тем не менее, политика и заявления политиков, а также общие проявления исторической политики, такие как встречные претензии по тем или иным вопросам, как представляется, имеют, по крайней мере, некоторую связь с содержанием учебников. Дальнейшее изучение этих связей может дать более полное представление об исторической политике Японии как системе и о том, как она влияет на историческое образование.
EN
Many scholars have researched Japan’s historical issues, connected to politics and education. Nevertheless, they mostly studied one issue from one perspective, such as international law or human rights. As a part of ongoing doctoral thesis research, this paper aims to discern if and how the historical issues and the Japanese government’s stance on those issues changed between 1982 and 2022 and interacted with each other. By comparing official statements with textbook contents on historical issues, the connection between them can bring a fuller understanding of Japan’s historical policy as a system. This paper hypothesises that history politics indirectly influences education policies and textbook writing. At this stage of research, it can be concluded that there are numerous historical issues recognised as such by Japan, but recognition has been an effect of other actors’ claims. Various actors have made those claims at opportune times, using history as a tool. Nonetheless, policy and statements by politicians and overall discernible history politics, such as counterclaims on particular issues, seem to have at least some correlation with the contents of textbooks. Further research into those connections may better understand Japan’s history politics as a system and how they influence history education.
EN
In the last years mass tourism has become, alongside with previous forms constituting ‘exhibitionary complex’ (Bennett 2004), an element affecting the formation of cultural institutions. The present analysis is based on four examples of grand post-military objects (established in the 19th and 20th centuries) transformed with the use of diverse techniques and now serving functions of a non-military character. The common denominator of the post-military territories presented in the text is the fact that all of them have become a peculiar ‘exhibitionary arena’. I attempt to demonstrate that post-military territories which bear resemblance with respect to former functions and infrastructure, i.e. size and passage of time since their establishment, condition and substantiality, are currently going through various processes of transformation. Within these processes they have been ascribed with different values which are created by practices transforming sites. The notion of the politics of memory is also taken into account.
EN
Abstract: Memory and forgetting in Kazuo Ishiguro’s The Buried Giant The article examines the theme of memory and forgetting in Kazuo Ishiguro’s 2015 novel The Buried Giant. The novel offers a reflection on the role of forgetting in dealing with a traumatic past, an issue which remains relevant for individuals and societies alike. Although Ishiguro does not provide easy answers to the question of whether it is better to remember or to erase difficult memories, temporary amnesia emerges in the novel as a legitimate strategy: it allows individuals to maintain relationships and helps to prevent feuding nations from resuming violence. The other related issues that the article discusses include the problem of memory which inevitably returns after temporary amnesia/amnesty with its entrapment in competing politics of memory, the issue of collective memory and the relationship between memory and forgetting as well as the role of involuntary memory in the undermining of official discourses about the past. Twentieth-century conceptions and discourses on memory – Maurice Halbwachs’, Walter Benjamin’s, Marcel Proust’s, as well as Galen Strawson’s – have been mobilized to illuminate the concerns that the novel raises.    
PL
Abstrakt Celem artykułu jest odczytanie najnowszej powieści Kazuo Ishigury jako refleksji pisarza nad rolą pamięci i zapominania w życiu indywidualnym i zbiorowym. Wydany w 2015 roku Pogrzebany olbrzym odnosi się do kwestii niezmiennie aktualnej, dotyczącej zarówno jednostek jak i społeczeństw próbujących uporać się z traumatyczną przeszłością. Mimo że Ishiguro nie udziela łatwych odpowiedzi na pytanie o to, czy pamiętać o trudnych wydarzeniach, czy raczej je wymazać, tymczasowa amnezja jawi się w powieści jako uzasadniony zabieg, pozwalający jednostkom utrzymać relacje, a społeczeństwom uniknąć ponownego wybuchu przemocy. Zjawisko pamięci zbiorowej, problem pamięci, która nieuchronnie powraca po okresie amnezji/amnestii i jej uwikłania w konkurujące ze sobą polityki pamięci, wzajemne powiązanie pamięci i zapominania, rola pamięci mimowolnej w podważaniu oficjalnej narracji to kwestie, które powieść porusza i które zostały omówione w artykule w odniesieniu do XX-wiecznych koncepcji i dyskursów na temat pamięci: Maurice’a Halbwachsa, Waltera Benjamina, Marcela Prousta, a także współczesnego brytyjskiego filozofa Galena Strawsona.    
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„Polityka krzywdy” PiS

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EN
Answering the question of why the ruling party in Poland (PiS) maintains such strong support, we refer to various arguments and disciplines, from sociology, discourse analysis, and social psychology to cultural philosophy. We maintain that PiS consistently conducts populist politics, building on strong collective antagonisms and fuelling the social sense of harm. The concept of “harm” has a unique and exceptional power that affects the feelings and the imagination of people. This means that evoking this feeling of harm recalling it proves to be a particularly convenient tool to manage people’s consciences and beliefs. In this spirit, we consider how “harm” and its related concepts (resentment) are bound with populist politics, and how the “discourse of harm” is actually present in the recent memory of politics in Poland, and how it can give some social groups “perverse” satisfaction. However, what we see in this semi-conscious tactic, which we describe as the “policy of harm”, is long-term destructive consequences.
EN
More than thirty years after the fall of communism, both Hungary and Poland are still trying to reinvent their national identity by understanding their pasts. As flagship museums of Viktor Orbán’s Hungary Civic Alliance (Fidesz) in Hungary and Jarosław Kaczyński’s Law and Justice Party (PiS) in Poland, the House of Terror (Terror Háza) in Budapest and the Warsaw Rising Museum (Muzeum Powstania Warszawskiego) have been used as epistemological tools in advancing the governing party’s respective memory politics. Within their portrayal of the nation’s contemporary past, these museums also endorse a particular national identity that serves the political desires of both Fidesz and PiS. This article traces how the museums present and signify the nation and how they articulate the national identity espoused by the museum. The author borrows methodological approaches from museum studies and formulates her own research protocol, which identifies three layers of national identity articulation: the presentation of the nation, the representation of the nation, and the political production of national identity.
CS
Více než třicet let po pádu komunismu se Maďarsko i Polsko snaží skrze minulost znovu a jinak uchopit svou národní identitu. Vládnoucí strany Maďarská občanská unie (Fidesz) v Maďarsku a Právo a spravedlnost (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość – PiS) v Polsku využívají svá „vlajková muzea“ – Dům teroru (Terror Háza) v Budapešti a Muzeum Varšavského povstání (Muzeum Powstania Warszawskiego) – jako epistemologické nástroje k prosazování vlastní politiky paměti. Obě muzea zobrazují soudobé dějiny „svých“ národů a zdůrazňují typ národní identity způsobem, který slouží politickým přáním Fidesz i PiS. Autorka si v článku klade otázku, jak tyto muzejní instituce prezentují a jakým významem naplňují kategorii národa a jak artikulují národní identitu, k níž se hlásí. Využívá přitom metodologických přístupů z oblasti muzejnictví a formuluje vlastní tezi o třech vrstvách artikulace národní identity: prezentace národa, reprezentace národa a politická produkce národní identity.
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