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THE MIDDLE CLASS AND THE EXPERIENCE OF FLEXIBILITY

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EN
Article presents the effects of research on life trajectories of young middle class representatives confronted with flexible working conditions. The research was based on collecting life-stories with representatives of different fractions of the middle class. Two different trajectories of the middle class are identified. The differences concern the character of link between education and labor market, stability of labor relations and possibilieties of carrier planning. Analysis of middle class trajectories enables to present the complexity of flexible life and working conditions when it comes both to structural features and the character of personal experiences.
EN
The main idea of the article is to show the importance of education as a factor in identifying the middle class. This means that people with middle class status are involved in various structures of society and they have reached prestigious positions respectively which, in turn, affect the extent of their inclusion in society. Middle-class representatives have complete and successful career realization, and they are signifiantly more inflential from a social point of view in comparison to other individuals which are less integrated and less successful following the public indicators of personal success: education, income, prestige and political power. The paper is primarily based on results obtained through the European Social Survey (ESS) under the 2006, 2009 and 2013 waves. Findings of the present paper are that quality education is not only a function of effort, ambition and persistence, but also of parental involvement, culture capital and family background. Educational achievements are a stimulus for middle-class expansion because they present investment in social contacts and competition on the labour market.
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MIDDLE CLASS IN THE BALTIC COUNTRIES SINCE 1991

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The article presents the analysis of social identifications of Baltic countries (Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania) population with middle class position between 1991 and 2012. The forms of social identification in different periods of formation of the Baltic countries are analyzed in the context of the dominant ideologies or theories and national self-identification complexity is investigated. The class structure in all Baltic countries is changing. The analysis of social structure in different countries moves mainly in parallel to each other but the data is not strictly comparable neither by themes, nor by sample for each country. Sociologists are no longer surprised of the efforts of researchers in various countries undergoing rapid transitions or transformations to provide new meanings to the concepts of the middle class taking into account peculiarities and history of their respective countries. This article also aims at analyzing social identity of the people of the Baltic countries at the beginning of their formation and further as well. Different surveys are discussed in this article. Since 1991, until now, after the restoration of the independence of the Baltic countries, a number of sociological studies has been carried out to analyze the emerging post-Soviet social structure of society. In practice, every research carried out differed both in methodological and method’s approaches. The aim of this article is to analyze the existing social stratification in the Baltic countries on the basis of sociological studies of the middle class, emphasizing the middle class as the main guarantor of creating a modern society. The novelty of the article is that it makes an attempt to use the data of different, multidimensional researches to discover commonalities or peculiarities of the middle class formation and self-identification with middle class position in the Baltic countries. The analysis has also shown that the identity of the middle class remains the strongest on all stages of formation of the Baltic countries, while only the content and the understanding of the middle class differ. Dominant tendencies of the middle class formation in the Baltic countries are connected with transformations and changes taking place within working class and intelligence. It has been revealed that the Baltic countries middle class is far from being homogeneous.
EN
The article is devoted to the representative system, which was one of the elements of the social and political thought of the Russian philosopher Boris Chicherin, who worked in the second half of the nineteenth century. The author analyzes the structure of national representation and the factors which – according to Boris Chicherin – weakened or strengthened the system. In this article, the author emphasizes the role of different factors: social groups (aristocracy, middle class), political liberty and property, that were important for the formation of representative institutions. The analysis of the representative system would not be possible without presenting the basic outline of the conservative-liberal philosophy of the Russian thinker.
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KLASA ŚREDNIA A UKRYTE PAŃSTWO OPIEKUŃCZE

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A discussion on the role of the middle class in Poland started with the fall of Communism at the turn of the 1990s and continues to this day. The weakness of the middle class is regarded as a significant obstacle in the modernization of the country. On the other hand, its consolidation is seen as the chance to stabilize a new political system and to continue the economic reforms initiated 20 years ago. Political elites generally agree on the necessity of creating a strong middle class, which is surprising in a highly polarized Polish society. Expectations for the emergence of a strong middle class are similar with longing for a prince charming who would shape the new social order according to the rules of democracy and a free market economy. It’s important to notice that what we describe as “middle class” is a mixed community of people placed in the middle part of the social ladder. Because of such a large differentiation of this social community, the question remains: Does it make sense to promote the middle class as whole? Was the political accord in this case just a part of election rhetoric rather than real action?
EN
The article presents the results of researches on right-wing extremism sentiments in the German middle class, conducted on a regular basis by the Friedrich Ebert Foundation since 2006. The condition of social awareness is measured using a variety of categories. The described empirical studies focus on the spreading of the ideology of right-wing extremism. Antidemocratic populism and hostility toward many alienated social groups create a climate of suspicion and hatred, whereas its dominant rhetoric of injustice fosters the emergence of anti-system activities, which lead to mistaken political choices. The presented data combined with a precise sociological analysis help to define the dangers and provide specific arguments for the public debate. In turn, assessment of the ideology and mindset of the middle class, which is politically the most effective, decision-making social group, provides a fitting starting point for drawing conclusions. Those inferences confirm the diagnosis that first scratches begin to appear on the fragile surface of the middle class.
EN
The liberalism as doctrine was never deep-rooted in the political sphere in Poland. It wasn’t possible on account of historical conditioning, but also the tradition constituting the crucial element of the political culture. Hence in principle to the turn of years 80. and 90. Of the 20th century in Poland political groups identifying themselves with liberal values didn’t function. However it doesn’t mean that liberal ideas weren’t generally speaking current in the social awareness. It will be sufficient because to point to two discussed values, i.e. the freedom and the right to hold the individual property in order to dispel all concerning doubts (enough poorly consolidated institutionally) of liberalism to the society. Of course to mark he belongs, that it isn’t regarding the society as a whole, as well as isn’t regarding the liberalism in all spheres of the activity of individuals. Because in the economic sphere the freedom is acceptable to a larger extent, than in the cultural sphere.
EN
The dominant view towards the Middle East is that the region is stuck in the past and plagued by conflict. Therefore, it was anticipated that Middle Eastern states would take a side in the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Despite expressing sympathy for Ukrainians due to their own experiences of humiliation caused by several wars, the Middle Eastern people and states remained cautious and chose to avoid getting involved in the conflict. It seems that the view of the Middle Eastern middle class had an influence on state decision-making regarding involvement in the war in Ukraine. Considering the rise of an educated middle class in the region, it can be hypothesized that the middle class’s priority is political-economic instability rather than engaging in further wars. The objective of this research is to comprehensively understand the Middle Eastern middle class’s viewpoint on war.
EN
Middle class in the Republic of Belarus: state and the problems of functioning On the basis of author’s definition of middle class, criteria of allocation and the characteristics of Belarusian middle class are considered, the problems of functioning of middle class in Belarus are revealed. As social stratification criterion in society is chosen correlation of population incomes level with size of minimum consumer budget (MCB) and subsistence level budget (SLB). Acting as basic social specifications, given criteria allow correlating among themselves the indicators of state statistics, data of selective inspections of household income per capita and the results of sociological researches. The basic functions of middle class in its western variant are: diversification of society into social groups at the expense of middle class filling by new applicants; stabilization of society owing to high level of ascending economic mobility, effective reproduction of scientific and educational potential. Performance of the named functions transforms middle class in the bearer of national culture and the exponent of public interests. It is shown, that in respect of performance of diversification function, and middle class in Belarusian society includes practically all social groups. In respect of performance of educational function, Belarusian middle class includes the specialists of high qualification and the workers with high level of skill. As to realizing of stabilization function in society on the basis of ascending economic mobility, certain mobility is observed, but in the limited range. Since 1995 to 2013, the share of bottom stratum has decreased more than in 7 times, the share of lower stratum has decreased in 2 times. At the same time there was a quadruple increase of stratum “below an average” and its transformation into the basic stratum of society which has made 51.8% of total population in 2013 (middle class has only 23.4% of total population). The basic stratum as though “incorporates” the lower strata and “preserves” half of population in a range from 1 to 2 MCB, originally carrying out function of Belarusian society stabilization as “equality in poverty”. On the results of sociological researches it is revealed, that basic stratum replaces middle class for performance of quantitative functions - diversification and stabilization of society, but cannot replace it for performance of qualitative functions for the agent of technological, economic and social progress.
EN
The language shift among middle and upper-middle-class families in Kapampangan-speaking communities was the focus of this study. The tool consists of the following: (a) an interview guide containing items related to the languages they used at home, with friends, and content about their parents’ race; (b) a wordlist containing specific words from Kapampangan liturgical prayers to determine whether there is an evolution of words in the Kapampangan language; and (c) data were interpreted using Fishman’s Expanded Graded Intergenerational Disruption Scale (EGIDS). The data of the study were taken from the 63 Catholic Kapampangan informants, regardless of sex, must be native of the city or town in the province of Pampanga, and nearby Kapampangan-speaking provinces, with an age bracket of 18-21 years old. Findings reveal that some Kapampangan words are in great danger. Unknowingly, little by little, Kapampangan people are shifting their language to a mixture of Tagalog and English. The attitude of using and choosing English and Tagalog as the languages at home instead of the Kapampangan significantly contributed to the language shift. The established Kapampangan language clashed with westernized trends and modern society. It was also pushed out slowly by intermarriage, technology, globalization, modernization, mass movements, and politics, which added up to losing Kapampangans’ unique identity. Finally, some words used in Catholic liturgical prayers should be updated since some words are not familiar anymore to the younger generation.
EN
In his article the author considers the paradox of soccer appropriation in the United States. It is rejected by majority of Americans at the professional level as they prefer football, basketball and baseball. However, at the recreational level soccer is used by middle class and upper middle class as a form of their status confirmation and for cultural reproduction. The symbol of such an approach is analysed – the „soccer mom” as a person who considers soccer as a very valuable exercise experience for her daughters and sons.
PL
Klasa średnia w społeczeństwach rozwiniętych uważana jest za kategorię społeczną prowadzącą styl życia o nachyleniu prozdrowotnym. Jednocześnie coraz istotniejszym nurtem kulturowym w społeczeństwach rozwiniętych jest konsumpcjonizm. Uważa się, że praktyki prozdrowotne pozwalają klasie średniej na godzenie konsumpcjonizmu z charakterystyczną dla niej etyką pracy. Celem analizy było określenie związków między orientacją prokonsumpcyjną a prozdrowotnym stylem życia wśród warszawskiej klasy średniej. Sprawdzana była hipoteza, że orientacja prokonsumpcyjna jest pozytywnie związana z elementami prozdrowotnego stylu życia, które symbolizują przynależność do klasy średniej i są modne, oraz negatywnie z takimi, które wymagają stałej samokontroli, a jednocześnie nie przynoszą natychmiastowych korzyści. Wyniki badania częściowo potwierdziły tę hipotezę.
EN
The middle class in developed societies is considered a social category leading a special health-oriented lifestyle. At the same time, consumerism is becoming an increasingly important feature of culture of developed societies. It is believed that the health practices allow the middle class to reconcile consumerism with the work ethic, which is considered its hallmark. The aim of the analysis is to define the relationship between consumer orientation and health-oriented lifestyle amongst the Warsaw middle class. The hypothesis was put that consumer orientation is positively associated with such elements of health-oriented lifestyle which symbolize belonging to the middle class and are trendy, and negatively with those that requires constant self-control, and yet do not bring immediate benefits. The results of the study confirmed these hypotheses in part.
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Klasa średnia i doświadczenia elastyczności

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Article presents the effects of research on life trajectories of young middle class representatives confronted with flexible working conditions. The research was based on collecting life-stories with representatives of different fractions of the middle class. Two different trajectories of the middle class are identified. The differences concern the character of link between education and labor market, stability of labor relations and possibilieties of carrier planning. Analysis of middle class trajectories enables to present the complexity of flexible life and working conditions when it comes both to structural features and the character of personal experiences.
PL
Artykuł przedstawia wyniki badań dróg życiowych przedstawicieli klasy średniej w warunkach elastyczności. Przedmiotem analizy są wywiady biograficzne z młodymi ludźmi reprezentującymi różne frakcje tej klasy. Zidentyfikowane zostają dwie odmienne drogi życiowe młodych ludzi konfrontujących się z rynkiem pracy, na którym obowiązują elastyczne warunki zatrudniania. Różnią się one ze względu na rodzaj powiązania między zdobytym wykształceniem a rynkiem pracy, stabilnością zatrudnienia oraz ze względu na możliwości planowania kariery. Analiza dróg życiowych reprezentantów klasy średniej pozwala ukazać złożoność zjawiska elastyczności zarówno jeśli chodzi o elementy strukturalne, jak i towarzyszące im doświadczenia i emocje.
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The main thrust of the paper could be brought down to the thesis that the concept of middle class is an oxymoron. This is the case because there is a contradiction between the associations pertaining to the adjective part of the term in question and those pertinent to its noun part. “The middle” is a hierarchical term, which fits social stratification rather than class, as class relations generally have a more complex character. The said confusion matters because of some important weaknesses of stratification approaches.
EN
Through the lens of economic categories, the article describes civic society in post-communist countries. The author first presents three analytic trends at work in civic society in Eastern Europe countries: sociological, economic and cultural. She then briefly describes the dysfunctional elements of civic society functioning in ex-USSR satellite countries, emphasising the pauctiy of deliberations on economic issues. The last part of the paper concentrates on the consequences of the lack of a middle class that typifies post‑communist societies yet which is considered to be the main agent in creating civic society.
PL
W 1939 r. Gdynia stanowiła jeden z największych ośrodków skupiających zwolenników Stronnictwa Narodowego. Po wybuchu wojny, w zmienionych okolicznościach, zintegrowane wokół narodowo-katolickiej tożsamości środowisko mieszczańskie nie przestało istnieć z dnia na dzień. Dzięki zastosowaniu metody biograficznej można ustalić jego dalsze losy: środowisko działaczy i zwolenników SN nie uległo trwałej dezintegracji w latach 1939–1945, natomiast odrodziło się po 1945 r. Dezintegracja środowiska przedwojennego mieszczaństwa w Gdyni nastąpiła dopiero w latach 1946–1949. Rządzący komuniści zastosowali szereg działań represyjnych nie tylko wobec osób podejmujących antyrządową działalność, ale również w odniesieniu do grup zawodowych i społecznych (lekarzy, adwokatów, kupców, właścicieli nieruchomości) uznanych za „reakcyjne”. Analiza prób statystycznych wykazała, że aresztowania, wysiedlenia, dyskryminacja i nieformalne działania, doprowadziły do likwidacji sektora prywatnego w handlu oraz dezintegracji środowiska stanowiącego przed wojną zaplecze „endecji”. W ujęciu socjologicznym opisane przeobrażenia społeczne miały ważne konsekwencje: po pierwsze przerwana została ciągłość rozwoju mieszczaństwa o konserwatywnym światopoglądzie; po drugie dezintegracja „endeckiego” mieszczaństwa oznaczała przerwanie możliwości symbiozy lokalnej tożsamości kaszubskiej z ogólnopolską tożsamością zbiorową. Rozeszły się drogi dwóch grup społecznych: miejscowych Kaszubów i nowych gdynian.
EN
In 1939 Gdynia was one of the biggest centres gathering supporters of the National Camp (Endecja). After the outbreak of the Second World War, in changed circumstances, the burgher community integrated around the concept of national Catholic identity did not cease to exist in a day. Thanks to the application of the biographical method, it is possible to establish its later history: the community of the National Party activists and supporters was not permanently disintegrated in years 1939–1945 but revived itself after 1945. Final disintegration of Gdynia pre-war burgher community did not take place earlier than in years 1946–1949. Ruling communists employed a wide variety of repressive measures not only against the persons undertaking anti- -government activity, but also against professional and social groups treated as „reactionary” (doctors, lawyers, traders, real property owners). Analysis of the statistical samples revealed that arrests, displacements, discrimination and non-formal actions led to liquidation of the private sector in trade, and disintegration of the community being the base for the Endecja in the pre-war period. From sociological standpoint, described social transformations bore serious consequences: firstly, the continuity of development of the conservative burger community was disrupted; secondly, disintegration of the Endecja burgher community meant the failure in possible symbiosis of local, Kashubian identity with national, collective identity. The ways of two social groups: local Kashubians and new Gdynia inhabitants separated.
EN
The present paper offers a critical analysis of what its authors call a new approach to social class. The analytical framework concerned is based on a large BBC-sponsored Internet survey and co-coauthored by a team of researchers led by Mike Savage. In theoretical terms, the most relevant observation to be made regarding the appproach under examination is its total dependence upon Pierre Bourdieu's concepts and ideas. This concerns first of all his theory of multiple 'capitals', two of which, e.e. social and cultural have been singled out by the exponents of the framework analysed in the paper as the building blocks of their own class theory. In other publications of the present author it has been shown that the purported Bourdesian 'capitals' are not any capitals at all, that they constitute misnomers, or even oxymorons. The consequences of this theoretical misunderstanding, to say the least, are as devastating in the case of Savage et al. as in the case of French thinker. The typology of social classes built upon such shaky grounds is found wanting in many respects; inter alia, such concepts as the middle class and the precariat are being criticised in more detail. Overall, the authors' shameless self-adevertising campaign, their analytic framework contains scarcely any new insights or ideas and mirrors other people's errors and failings instead.
PL
W latach 1990–2015 z trzech obserwowanych w wiejskiej Polsce procesów – depezantyzacji, proletaryzacji i gentryfikacji – ten ostatni, tworzący wiejską klasę średnią, miał największą dynamikę. Między 1990 i 2015 rokiem udział wiejskiej klasy średniej w strukturze społecznej wsi wzrósł z 13% do 28%, co było skutkiem procesów endogennych i egzogennych wobec wsi. W niniejszej analizie „nowa” wiejska klasa średnia została zdefiniowana przez wykonywane zawody, należące do czterech pierwszych wielkich grup Klasyfikacji Zawodów i Specjalności (ISCO-08). Tak wyróżniona, jest ona bardzo zróżnicowana, co prowadzi do hipotezy o istnieniu nie jednej, a kilku wiejskich klas średnich. Przedmiotem opracowania jest ukazanie cech różnicujących wiejską klasę średnią i wskazanie – na podstawie współwystępujących cech – jej typów. Analiza oparta jest przede wszystkim na bazie danych badania „Diagnoza społeczna 2015”.
EN
Between 1990 and 2015, out of three processes observed in rural Poland – depeasantization, proletarianization and gentrification – the latter, triggering the emergence of a rural middle class, was the most dynamic. The share of the rural middle class in rural social structure increased from 13% to 28%, as a result of the processes both endogenous and exogenous to the countryside. In this analysis, the ‘new’ rural middle class has been defined by the performing the occupations that belong to the first four major groups in the Classification of Occupations and Specialties (ISCO-08). Thus distinguished, it is highly differentiated, which leads to the hypothesis of the existence not of one but several rural middle classes. The article’s aim is to demonstrate the differentiating characteristics of the rural middle class and to distinguish its types, based on co-occurring characteristics. The primary source of data for the analysis are the results of the „Social Diagnosis 2015” survey.
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2012
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vol. 178
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issue 2
281-294
EN
This paper explores how the language of tradition and modernity has been the dominant idiom that has sought to capture the “essence” of both the Indian nation and the Indian woman. The salience of this discourse demands a critical enquiry to understand how this overarching and hegemonic idiom been accepted as an unproblematic given. India is often seen as a land of contrasts where tradition and modernity coexist-where Indian women are often showcased as emblematic of this coexistence. The paper seeks to look into the complex processes that lie beneath this easy description. It seeks to do so primarily: (i) by presenting a more historicized account of India’s modernity from the vantage point of gender, offering a feminist critique of the public private divide which forms the theoretical hub of the modernization framework, and; (ii) by drawing attention to the centrality of gender in the nation state’s political, developmental and cultural policies and its more recent shifts in a contemporary globalizing India.
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