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Root-based or lexicalist approach in verbal morpho-syntax: Polish non-active morphology

100%
Malicka-Kleparska A.
Poznań Studies in Contemporary Linguistics
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2013
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vol. 49
531-555
EN
The text presents two case studies from the area of Polish middle voice morpho-syntax. One case concerns anticausatives formed with the particle się and their simpler counterparts based on identical roots. The other – "clear" alternating frame verbs, their prefixed correspondents and middle formations based on the same roots. The first case strikes us as problematic for both modern approaches to morpho-syntax in generative grammar – the lexicalist approach and the root based construction approach. It turns out to be problematic for the first model only, if certain proposals (in particular Alexiadou and Doron 2012) concerning non-active morpho-syntax are discarded. The second case shows, however, that certain data cannot be explained within the root based grammar, while the lexicalist mechanisms account for them naturally. Polish morpho-syntax calls for introducing clear demarcation lines between the data that can be rendered by syntactic mechanisms and such which require lexical analyses and "productivity" of the data cannot provide such a boundary. They need to be drawn on an empirical basis.
2
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A case for two voices in Old Church Slavonic – reflexively marked OCS verbs

86%
Malicka-Kleparska A.
Linguistics Beyond and Within
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2015
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vol. 1
169-186
EN
Old Church Slavonic data manifest significant similarities in the distribution and formal properties of anticausatives, reflexives, subject experiencer verbs, statives, and reciprocals, while their semantics may also be viewed as partly uniform. The structures representing the said classes of verbs are very frequent in the language, while passive structures, formed with analytic morpho-syntactic constructions, are relatively infrequent. Consequently, the expressions headed by anticausatives, reflexives, subject experiencer verbs, statives, and reciprocals (as well as dative impersonal structures) encroach on the area of semantics belonging in Modern Slavic to be the realm expressed in terms of passive morpho-syntax. The conclusion that can be drawn from this state of affairs is that Old Church Slavonic is characterized by the opposition of active and middle voices, while the passive voice is in its infancy.
3
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Indo-European middle verbs formed with -r- as a phonetic archaism

86%
Witczak K. T.
Linguistica Silesiana
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2018
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vol. 39
4

The category of reflexivity in Russian

58%
Grygiel M.
Beyond Philology: An International Journal of Linguistics, Literary Studies and English Language Teaching
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2014
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issue 11
9-24
EN
The present paper is centered around the semantics of the Russian reflexive marker seen from the perspective of a larger and often neglected category of reflexivity. Russian, among other Slavic languages, employs a system of two etymologically related markers to encode the function of reflexivity. In the case of Russian, the reflexive pronoun себя ‘-self’ constitutes the heavy marker, syntactically independent, while the light reflexive marker has two allomorphs. The variation depends on the inflectional form of the verb. The allomorph -сь appears after vowels and the -ся after consonants. In contrast, the participle forms always appear with the -ся form. Additionally, the light marker is attached to the stem after other morphological markers, such as person, number and gender. Diachronically, the light form appeared as a clitic and used to take two cases: the accusative and the dative. Through diachronic changes, the case distinction was lost forming a single marker. Typologically, in a language employing a two-marker system, the light marker tends to be polysemous, covering a range of different functions in addition to the reflexive one, as is the case in Russian. In the following analysis we will try to show that the two most common linguistic encodings of reflexivity – synthetic and analytic – are related to each other and, in fact, represent the same category.
FR
Le présent article est centré sur la sémantique du marqueur réflexif en russe, vu de la perspective d’une catégorie plus large et souvent négligée qu’est la catégorie de réflexivité. Le russe, entre autres langues slaves, utilise un système avec deux marqueurs liés étymologiquement pour traduire la fonction de réflexivité. Dans le cas du russe, le pronom réflexif себя (soi, soi-même) est un marqueur lourd, indépendant syntaxiquement, tandis que le marqueur réflexif léger a deux allomorphes. La variation dépend de la forme flexionnelle du verbe. L’allomorphe -сь apparaît après les voyelles et le -ся après les consonnes. Par contre, les formes participes ont toujours la forme -ся. En outre, le marqueur léger est attaché à la racine après d’autres marqueurs morphologiques, comme la personne, le nombre ou le genre avec les formes participes. Du point de vue diachronique, la forme légère apparut comme un clitique et avait deux cas : l’accusatif et le datif. Avec les changements diachroniques, la distinction des cas fut perdue et un seul marquer fut créé. Du point de vue typologique, dans une langue qui utilise un système de deux marqueurs, le marqueur léger a tendance à être polysémique et à remplir plusieurs fonctions différentes en plus de la fonction réflexive, comme dans le cas du russe. Dans l’analyse suivante, nous allons essayer de montrer que les deux expressions de réflexivité les plus populaires – la synthétique et l’analytique – sont liées l’une à l’autre et qu’en réalité, elles représentent la même catégorie.
5

The middle of a family: Reflexively marked structures in Polish

58%
Malicka-Kleparska A.
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2015
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vol. 63
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issue 11: Anglica
85-99
EN
The paper is devoted to an analysis of ‘notional middles’ in Polish within a construction-based morpho-syntax. The problem of the distinction which should, or should not, be drawn between middle and anticausative structures is taken up here. We analyze the Polish data, considering the correlation of major parameters distinguishing middles and anticausatives in languages of the world, and decide that in Polish ‘notional middles’ constitute a single class. As a consequence, the differences between anticausatives and middles should not be reflected by distinct structures ascribed to these groups of forms by grammar. The existent differences should be attributed to broader context and to encyclopedic knowledge concerning events.
XX
Artykuł poświęcony jest zagadnieniu pozycji konstrukcji medialnych w języku polskim. Po zanalizowaniu materiału językowego pod względem tego, jakie parametry są istotne w języku polskim dla wykrywania podtypów tych konstrukcji, okazało się, że parametry ogólnie uważane za istotne do odróżnienia konstrukcji medialnych i antykauzatywnych w materiale polskim dają sprzeczne ze sobą wyniki. Dlatego wydaje się, że rozróżnienia czasowników medialnych i antykauzatywnych nie opierają się na gramatycznie kodowanych konstrukcjach, a raczej wynikają z informacji dostępnych w szerokim kontekście i z wiedzy encyklopedycznej.
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