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EN
Objectives Undertaking to determine scientifically substantiated conditions for the functioning of destabilising forces and methods for countering them in contemporary operations fits in the broad scope of security. Methods This paper reports the results of the study that employed survey methodology to investigate the matter of destabilising forces in order to provide the contribution to the current body of literature in the field. Results Recently published scientific and non-scientific studies in Polish and English on destabilising forces, despite the semantic differences, refer to a large extent to the problem of acting and combating such groups. The paper puts forward a series of conclusions and proposals with the intention of inspiring the critical evaluation and to encourage substantive polemics in the pages of specialist scientific periodicals. Conclusions This material may serve as the basis for further detailed research into destabilising forces – the subject that is not only a pressing current issue, but above all a prospective area for research as part of the security sciences.
EN
Soldiers are currently one of the largest professional groups treated as long-term travelers. They are stationed in difficult environmental conditions for many months. The purpose of this article is to present the scale of health threats faced by participants in peacekeeping and stabilization missions / operations. Today's security challenges encompass a huge mass of complexes and evolving threats such as pandemics, international terrorism, organized crime, cyber threats, environmental degradation and natural disasters. The thesis of the article is that in the era of modern threats, health problems of soldiers include transmission diseases, zoonoses, combat and non-combat injuries. The Central and South Asian region has the highest rate of infectious and invasive diseases in the world. Afghanistan and Pakistan are the reporting countries for poliomyelitis. Taking into account the following issues, it is extremely important to monitor the scale of health threats to participants in military operations, to conduct appropriate risk assessments so that control measures reflect the latest scientific knowledge in the field of protection against the risk of infection, disease or injury management. A comprehensive emergency preparedness plan enables military operations to be better prepared for a swift, coordinated and effective response, while tailoring resources to the specific situation.
EN
This paper is dedicated to the involvement of Poland in the European Union’s military operations in Africa in the 2010s. The development of military capabilities is not one of the European Union’s priorities. Nevertheless, the EU is an active participant of the international communities’ efforts to aid African states, including the use of armed forces. The vast majority of such EU missions have been undertaken in Africa. Despite the fact that this region is not a priority of Poland’s foreign and security policies, Poland has actively participated in such actions, primarily due to the peculiarities of contemporary security threats and Poland’s approach to the process of European integration. However, after initial experiences, Poland limited its involvement, due to the limited impact on the achievement of national objectives related to the EU Common Security and Defence Policy. This has been reflected in both official documents and political practice associated with deploying troops on foreign soil. The author sets forth a thesis that these limitations are too substantial, and that there are reasons for greater Polish involvement in the European Union’s military missions.
EN
After the breakup of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the outbreak of conflicts related to that process the international diplomacy decided to introduce military missions, of various nature, in Croatia and Bosnia and Hercegovina, that is former Yugoslavian republics, where a war was waged in the first half of the 1990s. The Republic of Macedonia declared independence already in 1991, but it became independent peacefully; it did not mean, however, that the country was free from internal problems, for instance of ethnic nature, which escalated before the end of the twentieth century putting the Macedonian state on the brink of civil war on the eve of the new century. The escalation necessitated the invitation by the state authorities of international military missions to assist in stabilising the country’s internal situation.
EN
The author of the article pursues several vignettes drafted in the course of the military and academic discussions, related to the social media. Initial section of the publication is dedicated to the social sphere of the human nature. The reasons and motives inspiring people to create networks are investigated. The subsequent part provides a description of currently available social media platforms. The tools, their utility and basic characteristics are examined. Such summary is used as a framework to build few conclusions on the potential risks and opportunities, offered by virtual networks for the security community. Findings are consequently confronted with existing doctrines. Some structural assumptions are drafted within this section, in order to provide a conceptual point of reference for further research. The author than continues with selected case studies of the social media military application. The article is concluded by a few reflections encapsulating the role of non-kinetic, social media embedded warfare in the contemporary conflicts.
EN
The present publication discusses the attitude of the residents of the Lublin area towards the outbreak, the course and outcome of the war, as well as its impact on the everyday life of civilian population in the years 1914–1915. The memoirs and personal accounts chosen to this end allow for the determination of the prevailing social attitudes, as they reflect the opinions of not just the well-educated and self-conscious strata, but also the “silent” part of the society, i.e. that which had been affected the most by the war, and where the majority of refugees originated from – both during the local resettlements in 1914, and the forced migration of the citizens of Congress Poland into Russia’s interior, caused by the soulless decisions of the Russian authorities in the following year
EN
The article is devoted to the study of hybrid warfare, as well as its influence on the reflection of business transactions in the accounting system. The study was conducted using the following research methods: analysis; synthesis; logical method; systematization, comparison, generalization, historical method. As a result, the features inherent in modern hybrid wars, including Ukrainian-Russian, as well as the specifics of accounting that arise during hostilities with emphasis on accounting features in enterprises whose assets were under the direct influence of hostilities, in particular, in the uncontrolled territories of Luhansk and Donetsk regions of Ukraine.
EN
The purpose of this paper is to analyze the conditions behind Polish participation in the European Union’s military operations in Africa. The author attempts to describe the evolution of the Polish position on the concept of the Common Security and Defence Policy. The text presents the Polish experiences, gained during operations, and assessments of the outcomes of Polish involvement, against the declared priorities of Polish foreign policy. The author also points out the main causes of changes in the Polish stance against further involvement on the African continent. She draws attention to the transformations within the EU and their reception by the Polish government.
PL
Celem artykułu jest analiza uwarunkowań udziału Polski w afrykańskich operacjach wojskowych Unii Europejskiej na tle ewolucji polskiego stanowiska wobec koncepcji realizacji Wspólnej Polityki Bezpieczeństwa i Obrony. W tekście przedstawiono polskie doświadczenia z udziału w operacjach, a także ocenę jego konsekwencji w odniesieniu do deklarowanych priorytetów polskiej polityki zagranicznej. Autorka wskazuje także na główne przyczyny zmiany stanowiska polskiego wobec dalszego zaangażowania na kontynencie afrykańskim. Zwraca uwagę na przekształcenia wewnątrz Unii oraz ich odbiór przez stronę polską.
EN
The aim of this paper is to present the circumstances and course of the Albanian‑Macedonian conflict in 2001, the political situation in Macedonia after 1991, the relationship between Macedonia and its western neighbour – Albania,Macedonian police and armed forcesand the structures of National Liberation Army (KLA) as well. The author presents a thorough analysis of the asymmetric action of the Albanian terrorists and security forces of Macedonia. It is emphasises that the Macedonian Albanians’ revolt began when the military and security forces of Serbia joined the operations against Albanian terrorists in southern Serbia. Additionally, the threat of destabilisation of the Macedonian state is still valid. Former KLA structures were only partially disassembled, a large amount of equipment and weapons was hidden. Despite of the numerous international initiatives and progressive (but also illusory) stability, the ethnic and political conflict has been deferred and it is only a matter of time for someone to reopen the Macedonian “Pandora’s box”. Moreover, the Security System of the Republic of Macedonia must be constructed so that at the start of the rebellion all subsystems could be able to counter the threat effectively. Therefore, it is necessary for Macedonia to cooperate between its security forces and neighbours as well as to build a military infrastructure, to be able to use it to manoeuvre troops and special forces.
EN
Over the last two decades, China and Russia have been developing Anti-Access/Area-Denial (A2/AD) systems Mainly based on long range Air Defense, ballistic and cruise missiles, supported by Electronic Warfare and cyberattack capabilities. Initially, these systems were used for defense purposes, but over time it was recognized they could be also applied for imposing military situation in the specific regions and create effective response to NATO countries and their concept of conducting military operations. The main aim of the article is to asses and present the impact of Chinese and Russian Anti-Access/Area-Denial (A2/AD) systems on changes in global political relations and balance of military power. In the course of this study, the author used numerous analyzes, synthesis, comparisons and case studies methods mainly concentrated on presently operating A2/AD systems. This article undertakes the analysis of the Chinese bases located in the South China Sea and Djibouti, Russian A2/AD systems within Russia's borders with particular emphasis on Kaliningrad Oblast, and A2/AD systems in Crimea and Syria created as part of Russian military operations. This research allowed us to conclude that some of the A2/AD systems serve to defend borders, while the rest are created to influence the geopolitical and military situation or to gain an advantage in the area of military operations. It can be also evaluate that the use of these systems allow dominate future conflicts because they enable to establish a full control zones which are completely closed for opponents forces operations.
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63%
PL
Celem artykułu jest wyjaśnienie zmian w polityce bezpieczeństwa Republiki Tureckiej, wywołanych zarówno czynnikami wewnętrznymi wynikającymi ze specyfiki państwa (np. struktura etniczna ludności), jak i czynnikami zewnętrznymi związanymi ze zmianami w otoczeniu międzynarodowym (lokalizacja w części Bliskiego Wschodu graniczącej z niestabilnymi obszarami Kaukazu, Bałkanów, oraz Irakiem i Syrią). Po początkowym okresie, kiedy Turcja prowadziła politykę neutralności w stosunkach międzynarodowych, po II wojnie światowej nastąpił strategiczny zwrot ku Zachodowi. Ostatnie trzy dekady to okres odbudowy stosunków z państwami regionu i budowy nowej strategii bezpieczeństwa opartej na doktrynie odstraszania i wysuniętej obrony, a od czasu wojny domowej w Syrii – asertywnego aktywizmu wojskowego. Zdaniem autorki nadmierne akcentowanie narzędzi hard power może przyczynić się do powstania różnego rodzaju ruchów równoważących (ze strony podmiotów państwowych i pozapaństwowych), które mogą zagrozić strategicznym interesom Ankary. Działania równoważące mogą spowodować geopolityczną alienację i ograniczenie swobody działania Turcji, zmniejszając efektywność działań dyplomatycznych, które są niezbędnym narzędziem rozstrzygania sporów i konfliktów międzynarodowych. W artykule wykorzystano wywiady, jakie autorka przeprowadziła z badaczami tureckimi. Byli to m.in. Ferhat Pirinççi z Uludağ University w Bursie (7.11.2022), oraz Murat Aslan i Bilgehan Öztürk z Fundacji SETA w Ankarze (15-16.11.2022).
EN
The purpose of this article is to elucidate the changes in the security policy of the Turkish Republic, brought about by both internal factors due to the peculiarities of the state (e.g., the ethnic structure of the population) and external factors related to changes in the international environment (location in the part of the Middle East bordering the unstable areas of the Caucasus, the Balkans, and Iraq and Syria). After an initial period when Turkey pursued a policy of neutrality in international relations, there was a strategic turn toward the West after World War II. The last three decades have been a period of restoring relations with countries in the region and building a new security strategy based on the doctrine of deterrence and advanced defense, and, since the civil war in Syria, assertive military activism. According to the author, the overemphasis on hard power tools may contribute to the emergence of various types of balancing movements (by state and non-state actors) that may threaten Ankara's strategic interests. Balancing moves can cause geopolitical alienation and limit Turkey's freedom of action, reducing the effectiveness of diplomatic efforts, which are an essential tool for resolving international conflicts. The article draws on interviews the author conducted with Turkish researchers. These included Ferhat Pirinççi of Uludağ University in Bursa (7.11.2022), and Murat Aslan and Bilgehan Öztürk of the SETA Foundation in Ankara (15-16.11.2022).
EN
Despite the hopes of the Palestinians, the outbreak of the Arab Spring, instead of accelerating positive changes, led to a significant deterioration of the situation in the region and in the Palestinian Authority itself. Positive economic processes have been stopped. Successive Israeli military operations devastated the Gaza Strip. The divisions on the West Bank ruled by the Palestine Liberation Organization and Hamas controlling the Gaza Strip deepened. Social sentiment among Palestinians has deteriorated. In view of the emergence of the so-called Islamic State in the region, the international community, in particular the US, lost interest in resolving the Middle Eastern conflict. The moving of the US embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, in May 2018, was a blow to the Palestinians. But what’s the worst, is the loss of Israeli trust to the Palestinians, especially the fact that the idea of a two-state solution has been questioned in Israel. The partial success that the Palestinians achieved by obtaining the status of an observer in the United Nations in 2012 does not balance the losses that the 2011–2018 period brought to the Palestinian cause. There are many indications that the Palestinian National Authority is at a crossroad, on the eve of changes that will have to take into account the changes that have taken place in recent years.
PL
Wbrew nadziejom Palestyńczyków wybuch Arabskiej Wiosny, zamiast przyśpieszyć pozytywne przemiany doprowadził do pogorszenia sytuacji w regionie i samej Autonomii Palestyńskiej. Zostały zatrzymane oczekiwane procesy gospodarcze. Doszło do kilku dewastujących Strefę Gazy operacji militarnych Izraela. Pogłębiły się podziały – na Zachodni Brzeg rządzony przez OWP oraz Hamas kontrolujący Strefę Gazy. Pogorszeniu uległy nastroje społeczne wśród Palestyńczyków. Wobec pojawienia się w regionie tzw. Państwa Islamskiego, wspólnota międzynarodowa, w szczególności USA, straciły zainteresowanie trudnym do rozwiązania konfl iktem bliskowschodnim. Ciosem dla Palestyńczyków było przeniesienie przez Donalda Trumpa, w maju 2018 r., ambasady USA w Izraelu z Tel Awiwu do Jerozolimy. Wobec pogłębiających się problemów w Autonomii Palestyńskiej, w tym utraty zaufania do Palestyńczyków ze strony Izraela, kwestionowana zaczęła być w Izraelu idea rozwiązania dwupaństwowego, to jest przyszłego pokojowego współistnienia żydowskiego Izraela i arabskiej Palestyny. Połowiczny sukces, jaki osiągnęli Palestyńczycy uzyskując w 2012 r. statusu państwa obserwatora w ONZ nie równoważy strat, dla sprawy palestyńskiej z lat 2011–2018. Wiele wskazuje, że Palestyńska Władza Narodowa znajduje się dziś w przededniu przeobrażeń, które będą musiały uwzględnić niekorzystne zmiany, które zaszły w ostatnich latach.
EN
The aim of this study is to identify a drone swarm’s capabilities and the key factors influencing its employment in military operations. The research takes the quantitative analysis of scientific literature related to the technical and operational utilization of drones. The use of drones for military purposes in contemporary world is widespread. They conduct dull, dirty, dangerous and deep military operations replacing manned aviation in many areas. Progressive technological development including artificial intelligence and machine learning allows for the use of military drones in the form of a swarm. It is a quite new technology at the beginning of development. The study indicates that the capabilities of a drone swarm based on communication within the group and autonomy differentiate it from the typical use of unmanned aircraft. Size, diversity, self-configurability and self-perfection amongst the others indicated in literature are attributes of a drone swarm which may give advantage in military operation comparing to the classic use of unmanned aircraft. Emergent coordination as a command and control model of a drone swarm is a future way of utilizing that technology in military operations. In the future, a drone swarm will be a cheaper equivalent of advanced and much more expensive weapon systems conducting combat operations.
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2018
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vol. 12
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issue 1
148-162
EN
The aim of this article is to present briefly as an overview, the EU’s commitment to maintaining peace in Europe and South Caucasus. The study highlights the most important manifestations of the EU civilian missions and military operations in those regions. The forms of this EU involvement in the world are very different from own civilian missions (including Georgia or Ukraine) and support for military operations of other international organizations, for instance – the case of NATO’s military operation ISAF in Afghanistan.
PL
Celem tego artykułu jest krótka prezentacja w postaci przeglądu zaangażowania UE w utrzymanie pokoju w Europie i na Południowym Kaukazie. Niniejsze studium wyszczególnia najważniejsze przejawy unijnych misji cywilnych i operacji militarnych w tych regionach1. Te formy zaangażowania UE na świecie są bardzo zróżnicowane, zaczynając od misji cywilnych (Gruzja lub Ukraina), kończąc na wsparciu dla operacji wojskowych innych organizacji międzynarodowych, na przykład NATO – operacja militarna ISAF w Afganistanie.
EN
Artykuł prezentuje poemat epicki pt. Odsiecz smoleńska przez sławnie wielmożnego Jego Mości Pana Aleksandra Korwina Gosiewskiego autorstwa Jana Kunowskiego (1617). Do niego została dołączona mapa, która posłużyła do zobrazowania wydarzeń opisanych w utworze. Wyjaśniono okoliczności jej powstania i rolę kartografii podczas planowania operacji wojskowych. Przedstawiono nowatorski sposób prowadzenia działań wojennych przez oddziały litewskie pod dowództwem Aleksandra Gosiewskiego. Scharakteryzowano etapy, fazy i czynności podejmowane podczas odsieczy Smoleńska (1616–1617). The article presents an epic poem entitled The Succour of Smolensk by Eminent Sir Aleksander Korwin Gosiewski (Odsiecz smoleńska przez sławnie wielmożnego Jego Mości Pana Aleksandra Korwina Gosiewskiego) by Jan Kunowski (1617). A map was attached to it to illustrate the events described in verse. The article explains the role of the map in the poem and cartography in general for military operations. Then, it presents Aleksander Gosiewski’s novel approach to conducting warfare as well as the stages, phases and actions taken during the Smolensk relief (1616–1617).
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