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EN
Upper Silesia in terms of ethnicity is a typical example of a historical region in Europe, but in fact, one of the few exceptions in contemporary Poland, where its mixed ethnic and religious structures have at least partly survived until today. While their existence had been denied by Nazi Germany (1933-1945) as well as by the Polish People's Republic (1945-1989), the emancipation of the German and Silesian minorities after the democratic changes of 1989 have evoked strong emotions in the ethnically almost uniform country. Nonetheless, the recent situation of minorities has improved as never before. Minority organisations has been officially recognized and German finally has become the second language in some municipalities of Upper Silesia, but the largest ethnic group in the whole country, the Silesians, have still experienced no formal recognition as a national minority. This article deals with the demographic aspects of the ethnic groups in Upper Silesia since the 19th century until recent times. The census results concerning the ethnic minorities or languages in Upper Silesia have been contested since the first records of that kind have been taken. The outcomes of the both last censuses of 2002 and 2011 concerning the minority question reflected for the first time a much more realistic picture of the status quo. Furthermore, they showed that the idea of Silesian identification found an unexpected high number of supporters. This fact indicates an emerging meaning of regional identification amid significant changes of cultural values in Polish society.
EN
The article analyses the recent developments of the relationship between Russian minority in Estonia and its host state. It gives a theoretical background on the minority issue in the triangle of “kin-state/ minority/ hoststate”. In Estonia, the principle of Restitution governed the emergence of the Estonian policies. By the end of the 1990s the elites realized that the course towards the integration of the non-Estonian minority should be taken. The mood in the society can be traced from the mostly exclusive citizenship and language policies towards more inclusive course on integration. The author states that after the events of 2014, the attitudes towards the Russian minority were mixed, with some signs of radicalization, but overall there were attempts to include the minority more in the life of the country.
EN
The article focuses on structural changes in the Bratislava population in the first half of the 20th century. Particularly in the decade of 1939–1948, there was an intense social engineering, i.e. a targeted effort to adjust both the ethnic and social city structures to the contemporary regime needs. The Czechs were the first target of these efforts (1939), followed by the Jewish minority (deportations in 1942); after the liberation, both Hungarian and German inhabitants fell victims to such activities, and after February 1948, this process also affected some social strata of the population. (A mass emigration after August 1968 was due to different reasons.) When analyzing the social engineering, the author has used particularly memories of the contemporary witnesses supported by the archive and other sources.
EN
There are a wide range of minority languages in Poland – including such languages as Karaite, Lemko and Romani. Polish and international linguists have been studying such minority lan- guages and their relationship with Polish recently, but a lot remains to be done. Such languages are extremely valuable and they must be regarded by the Polonistic linguists as of importance. The article discusses in particular the case of the Romani language. The specifics of the relationship between Polish and Romani languages are discussed in comparison with the relationship between Polish and other languages in Poland.
EN
The text aims to draw attention to the language policy involved in the processes of constructing the cultural identity of minorities. Discussion focuses on the two basic dichotomies of assimilationism-isolationism and empowerment-objectification and indicates selected aspects of language policy and educational practices in France, China and Israel.
PL
W artykule przedstawiono charakterystykę mniejszości narodowych zamieszkujących na Wybrzeżu PRL w drugiej połowie XX w. Scharakteryzowano również działania prowadzone w tym okresie w stosunku do mniejszości narodowych przez Zwiad Wojsk Ochrony Pogranicza (ZWOP), Służbę Bezpieczeństwa (SB) oraz Milicję Obywatelską (MO).
EN
The article presents the characteristics of national minorities living on the Coast of the Polish People's Republic in the second half of the XXth century. The activities carried out in this period in relation to national minorities by the Border Protection Troops, Security Service of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Citizens' Militia were also characterized.
EN
Due to the growing significance of international studies, the need for tools to assess the equivalence of items is pressing. Web probing, which is implementing verbal probing techniques traditionally used in cognitive interviewing in online surveys, is a method to complement quantitative techniques to establish equivalence of items in crosscultural research. We illustrate this approach by assessing the question of 'how important it is that government authorities respect and protect the rights of minorities', which was originally used in the International Social Survey Program, for respondents in five countries (Germany, Britain, the U.S., Mexico, and Spain). First, participants answered this question using a 7-point Likert scale. Then they wrote freely what types of minorities they had thought of. Whether country differences in the response patterns can be interpreted substantially depends partially on how similarly the term 'minorities' is understood across these five contexts. Our results show that people in the participating countries have slightly different kinds of 'minorities' in mind.
EN
in Serbia and represent three national minorities: Hungarian, Bosnian, and Albanian. The timeframe of the research covers the period between the first free parliamentary elections that took place in 1990 and the elections in 2008. The aim of the article is to show some common features characteristic for the functioning of national minority parties in Serbia. The analysis focuses on the influence of the activities and strategies undertaken by this type of parties on the electoral system (and its reforms), the engagement of the Serbian authorities in conflicts on the area of the post-Yugoslavian republics in the 1990s and the principles of registering political parties. The article also presents changes in the regulations introduced in this respect based on the novelization of the act of political parties legislated on 12th of May 2009. The changes facilitate creating parties that represent national minorities which in fact favours further fragmentation.
EN
The author addresses on a multidisciplinary platform and from the theoretical legal and philosophical legal perspective the issue of minorities and multicultural education at universities. Through its criticism she reveals the emptiness and confusion of the concepts of social sciences and humanitarian disciplines and brings to light the ‘asset stripping’ of the normative systems. Multiculturalism in the context of a value-based university education is presented as relativism applied in the field of the social sciences with repercussions on social engineering and complete transformation of cultural and social values. Her conclusions about value perception and interpretation of multidisciplinary concepts of multiculturalism unearth in the final analysis concurrent processes leading to ideologization of scholarly disciplines and in particular law, which ceases to be a value and becomes a means used by the power structures of the globalized world.
EN
In this paper the relationship between parliamentary representation of nationalities and plural voting in Europe will be examined. First of all, it will be overviewed which European countries applied plural voting before 1945. Then the Hungarian legal scientists’ judge-ment of multiple voting before 1945 will be described and we ascertain when the Hungarian decision-makers intended to enact plural voting and how is it connected to minority issues. The Venice Commission’s opinion on the topic will also be detailed according to which plural voting is admissible only if it is in relation with representation of minorities and for the benefit of them. After this historical and theoretical overview, the practice of the only European country – Slovenia – applying plural voting on such a basis will be described. This paper also relates to the problem of plural voting and nationality in Hungary. The system of parliamentary representation of ethnic minorities in Hungary will be shortly analysed as well.
EN
The article refers to the field study made in 2013 with the aim of initial screening of the situation of the ethnic groups of Southern China. The province of Hunan was visited with particular emphasis on its capital Changsha, and the western part of the province, inhabited by ethnic minorities known as Xiangxi. The collected materials proves that globalization in China brought far-reaching changes not only in the well-known regions of the wealthy coast, but also in remote, inaccessible peripheral areas. With regards to the national minorities of the South of China, a new social phenomena appeared on such a large scale, that the significant migration of national minorities to the coastal cities has had important and far-reaching social consequences. The article contains a new typology that distinguishes two different types of Sinicization: voluntarily and extraneous.
EN
The article refers to the problem of the extinction of Christianity and other religious minorities in the Middle East. This process began in the 19th century in the Balkans and continued with Jews in the Arab countries, Jews and Bahais in Iran, and the Chaldo-Assyrian Christians in Iraq and Syria. The events of 2011 provoked a new wave of anti-Christian feelings in the Arab world with the worst anti-Christian violence against Copts in Egypt. The other question discussed in the article is why the Western press and political elites have ignored or under-reported this persecution.
CLEaR
|
2016
|
vol. 3
|
issue 1
39-46
EN
Vasil Stefan Koban (1918-2007) was an American writer of Slovak origin. His cultural identity is, however, somewhere between Rusyn and Slovak, but all his writings were published in Slovak journals such as Slovakia, or Almanac run by National Slovak Society. The Slovak translation of his only novel, The Sorrows of Marienka, was published in 2006 with the subtitle Púť Slovákov za lepším životom do Ameriky. The book is about the life of his mother Marienka who after marriage to Ivan Kinda emigrates from Jarabina to Conemaugh, an American coal mine town. Excerpt from Michal: Biography of a Galician Coal Miner, 1906-1933 is a revised version of the story in which Michal, Koban’s father and Marienka’s second husband, loses his leg in an accident and he must stay in a hospital for a year. In both stories Koban uses lots of Slovak words, but on the other hand, he mentions that Michal helped to build the Russian Orthodox Church of St. John the Baptist in Conemaugh with other Galicians, his natives, since he was born in Habowa. Although he considered himself to be of Slovak origin, Koban is enlisted under Carpatho-Rusyn Literature in The Greenwood Encyclopedia of Multiethnic American Literature. The article focuses on manifestations of Slovak and Rusyn identity in Koban’s two most notable literary works.
EN
Antigypsyism has been and still is a part of Roma and non-Roma relations. It also refers to activities that, paradoxically, are dedicated to Roma, although it would seem that there is no connection between stigmatization and willingness to help. These are two opposing poles. Because we rarely want to support those we don’t like. Therefore, if the Roma are helped, it means that they are liked, that someone cares about them and that someone cares that the Roma live a better life. The problem is what lies beneath the enigmatic term „better” and how the boundaries are set, the achievement of which will testify to the success of the activities. Tee purpose of this article is to analyse the content and circumstances related to the implementation assistance programs dedicated to Roma in the context of existing stereotypes and prejudices towards Roma.
EN
Although many changes have occurred and accumulated significantly in Arab society in Israel and in the majority-minority relationship, the great class gap between Arabs and Jewish has been retained. This gap depends on the division of the resources in Israeli society. Inequality in this division and in the social relations between Jewish and Arabs continues, although there are indications that it is lessening. It is difficult to speak about co-existence and peace between Jews and Arabs, since today the Arabs of Israel are integrated in Israeli society primarily by negative and involuntary forces, such as economic dependency, political heresy, and social ecological isolation (Smooha, 2011: 13). The present research focuses only on the Muslim Arab population integrated into the security forces in Israel.
EN
The Chronographia of Michael Psellos (1018–1081) reveals a limited interest in nations and minorities within and without the Byzantine Empire. He had access to information about these peoples either indirectly (1018–1042) or more directly (1042–1078). He has a greater understanding of their complexity, especially between 1042–1059 when his friend Constantine Leichoudes was mesazon. Psellos refers to nations and minorities in his Chronographia through the prism of the imperial court at Constantinople.  
PL
During the Second World War, the Aromanians had their own, different perspectives over the combatants and the political structure in the region. Some of them willingly adhered to the Italian project, supported the fascist army and liked the idea of a political-territorial organisation (their own state, Pind, or at least an Albanian-Romanian confederation) under the patronage of Rome. The existence of multiple power centres with particular interests and zealous leaders weakened the force of the discourse and damaged from the inside a state project which was doomed to fail anyway, in the conditions in which Italy seemed to have other plans. The presence of many groups and leaders who disputed their supremacy, legitimacy and representation had consequences on obtaining cultural and political rights on the territories organized by the Italians. The interventions of the Romanian government tried to answer some specific and immediate needs regarding food supplies or teaching materials, but they did not manage efficiently the material and human resources and could not stifle the local conflicts for power and money.
XX
According to the results of the latest census the West Pomeranian Voivodship is ethnically homogeneous; within its territory there are various communities with ethnic identities that differ from the Polish one, yet their total proportion does not exceed the level of a few percent. The most numerous non-Polish communities are the Ukrainian and German ethnic minorities, and the Gypsy (Romani people’s) ethnic community. According to the analysed statistics the number of the people born in a given country does not affect the size of the population of the minorities or immigrants. The number of the inhabitants of the West Pomeranian Voivodship born outside Poland is several times higher that the number of the people of the same ethnic identity. For example, in 2011 in the West Pomeranian Voivodship there were over 16,600 people born in the Ukraine, but about 5,000 declared to be of Ukrainian nationality and only 129 were Ukrainian citizens. There were over 1,300 people born in France, 298 declared to be of the French nationality and 153 were citizens of France. The conclusion is that the people declaring to be of the Polish nationality are the dominant part of the population born outside Poland. A very small proportion of the inhabitants of the West Pomeranian Voivodship use a language other than Polish in their private contacts. The biggest part of them are English-speaking people (4,500), followed by the German-speaking population (3,300) and the Ukrainian-speaking one (2,500). With the exception of Ukrainian, which is considered as a native language by more people (2,700) than the ones who speak it at home, the other languages were less frequently mentioned as a native tongue than as the language used at home. But only the results of the next census will give a basis to carry out reliable comparative analyses concerning the ethnic structure of Poland and the West Pomeranian Voivodship (assuming that the questions will be identical with the ones of the 2011 questionnaire).
EN
The article analyses the ways in which Sylwia Chutnik uses the category of space to break cognitive schemes and stop the reproduction of discourses which support them. Thanks to “anthropological shift of perspective” (T. Rakowski), warm irony and empathy the author of Pocket Atlas of Women (Kieszonkowy atlas kobiet) shows the lives of people “without a voice” and their inner world full of existential tensions. At the same time, the narrative strategy of Chutnik supports undermining and reinterpreting of the dominant cultural patterns, explores the phenomenon of exclusion and looking for points of subversive character that enables to go beyond fossilized and objectified paradigms.
EN
Present study sheds more light on the conceptualization of citizenship and civic engagement among majority and minority youth. In order to understand the meanings of citizenship, fourteen focus groups were conducted with young people aged 16–26, with both civically engaged and disengaged young ethnic Czechs, Roma, and Ukrainians. Results suggest that young people understand the citizenship as having multiple dimensions (legal and personal, and in terms of rights and responsibilities) and civic engagement as being focused on various aspects. The way people described their position within society was influenced by the social background and mirrored in the views on full citizenship.
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