The purpose of this article is to present the idea of building a large formation of solidarity in the political thought of the Union of Freedom. During this time period 1994–1997 there were ideas aimed at the creation of the center-left, which is the fundamental concept for politicians gathered around the Zofia Kuratowska and former Environment Group of the Liberal and Social Democratic Union. Totally diff erent approached to create a center-right. Sees a need for cooperation and to take programmatic agreement among the parties that arose from the great „Solidarity” in 1980. The creation of this formation was used to power the eff ective removal of the SLD-PSL coalition and the completion of reforms in the country.
Reflections over Jewish community in Poland were visible in Polish political thought of the the first half of the 20th century. "Pro Christo” monthly, was one of the most important anti-Semitic magazines in interwar Poland, connected with Nation-al-Radical Movement "Falanga” and its leader Bolesław Piasecki, most significant editor-in-chief was romancatholic priest Jerzy Pawski. "Pro Christo” was publishing articles criticizing Jews, editors were referring to "Protokoły Mędrców Syjonu”, repeating the stereotypical views on Jews, like their role in partitions of Poland, creating freemasonry and communism. The paper was trying to warn Polish nation against communist danger, connected with Jews, emphasizing that Jews should leave Poland. According to authors that emigration should be compulsory.
Niniejszy tekst jest próbą włączenia do oceny wizji historii społecznej polskiego społeczeństwa stanowego dramatów Świętochowskiego. Napisał ich kilkanaście. Swoją uwagę skupiam na dramatach historycznych. Były one już przedmiotem analizy historyków literatury, ale z reguły prowadzono je jakby poza sporami prowadzonymi przez szkoły historiografi czne XIX w. Tymczasem stanowią one istotną część dialogu podówczesnych elit, zajmując pośród dziewiętnastowiecznych polemik istotne miejsce; były każdorazowo wydarzeniem, które zwracało uwagę opinii publicznej.
Artykuł ten anlizuje prawne i ustrojowe aspekty pierwszej, polskiej powieści fantastycznej autorstwa Michała Dymitra, a zatytułowanej "Wojciech Zdarzyński życia przypadki opisujący" z 1785 r.
Ponieważ temat rewolucji w Nie-Boskiej komedii jest skrupulatnie przebadany i przeanalizowany, dlatego przedmiotem rozważań niniejszej rozprawy nie jest problematyka sensu stricto rewolucyjna. Celem artykułu jest ukazanie zagadnienia rewolucji oraz kilku innych wątków z dramatu Krasińskiego na szerszym tle historii idei. Ściślej rzecz ujmując, próba unaocznienia konotacji stanowiska Krasińskiego wobec rewolucji z poglądami innych myślicieli, którzy poruszali ów problem.
Tradycja republikańska I Rzeczypospolitej obejmuje dorobek bardzo wielu autorów, zarówno teoretyków, jak i publicystów, działających na przestrzeni trzech stuleci, poczynając od pierwszej połowy wieku XVI, kiedy to namysł polityczny formułowany był pod przemożnym wpływem humanizmu i renesansu. Celem tego artykułu jest próba dokonania podstawowych ustaleń dotyczących zmian, jakie zachodziły w polskim dyskursie republikańskim w XVII i XVIII wieku oraz kontynuacji, która ten dyskurs w dużej mierze charakteryzuje.
Postmodernism is a concept characterized by distrust of theories and ideologies and by the drawing of attention to conventions. Think of postmodernism rejects the authority of reason and views all claims to objective truth to be dangerous. Postmodern philosophers regard claims to objective and universal truth as intolerant and uninformed. For influential postmodern thinkers, truth is political and created by “belief communities”, not discovered rationally and objectively. However an ideology is a set of ideas that constitutes one’s goals, expectations, and actions. An ideology can be thought of as a comprehensive vision, as a way of looking at things (worldview), as in common sense, or a set of ideas proposed by the dominant class of a society to all members of this society. The central theme of postmodernism is that there is no such thing as certainty. As a result, postmodernism rejects big meta-narratives which claim that there are absolute truths, i.e. ideologies and belief systems as the Right and the Left. Postmodernism declares an end to all ideology but in essence postmodernism is contemporary ideology consisting of relativism and deny any validity to several concept like objectivity, Truth, Goods and Beautiful.
The article is a comparative analysis of Piłduski’s camp and “Prawo i Sprawiedliwość”. Similarities between the party and marshal’s followers are visible both in the time of rule of the party in years 2005–2007 and later, especially after the catastrophe in Smoleńsk in April 2010. It is hard to say explicitly whether existence of Piłsudski’s camp and referring to it is actually well-founded. It is not easy to find analogies in case when there are huge differences in functionality of the Second Polish Republic and contemporary Poland. However, crucial role of the leader in the party, new foreign policy concept and geopolitical bases of country’s functionality and unfulfilled vision of Fourth Polish Republic are the most visible references to the time of Piłsudski’s camp.
The Ukrainian and Belarusian issue in the period of interwar Poland constituted the fundamental axis of the National Democracy policy on contemporary Slav minorities living in Poland. National elites and opinion-forming circles of the national camp refused the rightto self-determination to Ukrainian and Belarusian minorities. They were judging both groups as unable to create a modern view on its ethnicity, politics and social affairs. Therefore they were emphasizingthatUkrainians and Belarusians constituted the part of "Ruthenian” group and don’t meet any criteria, allowing them to be categorized as a separate nation. Therefore all tensions and conflicts were treated disputes inside one Polish nation. Hence resulted positive assessment of assimilation chances for the Ukrainian and Belarusian people. National Democracy emphasized the lack of national differences between Poles, Ukrainians and Belarusians. The Polonization of "kresy” was regarded as a specificmission of civilization, in which National Democracy saw an excellent opportunity to strengthen the vital forces ofthe Polish nation. Improvingthe economical situation of the Ukrainian and Belarussian minority was regarded necessary to cool radical anti-Polish moods among the minorities. Finally the National Democracy opposed absolutely plans of granting the national autonomy both minorities accepting only creating the territorial autonomy - self-government.
This article concerns the assessment of the Republic of Poland (1918–1939) creation — as a political unit — by Paweł Jasienica — not only an outstanding historical essayist and philosopher of history but also an eyewitness of the events described. In 1967, in the retreat of his own room, he wrote his Polish Experience to be edited in the British periodical „Journal of Contemporary History” — hence off censorship — totally devoted to the problem of the birth of the independent Polish entity. A dominating theme in Jasienica’s analysis is the Polish path to independence, connected with the objection to the partitioners’ voluntarism and struggle for borders mainly with its eastern neighbour country — Bolshevik Russia. P. Jasienica proves that independent Poland defended its existence thanks to fast and widespread social reforms as well as full democratisation of political life. Polish society mass participation in Polish-Bolshevik war 1920 and its successful outcome was caused also by the fear of Soviets’ „red terror”.
Fascism has never created homogeneous doctrine or ideology. We have to speak about fascisms in plural. Fascisms from the very beginning were distinguished by great diversity. As nationalistic ideologies they should naturally reveal in national variants, which were additionally overlapped by internal diversity - within every nation we can find several competing mutations. As a result, trying to define fascism we would always find ourselves between Scylla of excessive narrowing of idea (in extreme terms - only to the Italian fascism) and Charybdis of excessive extension to everything, that is showing whatsoever similarity with original. In the article „Seeking the essence of fascism” author shows the origins of fascism, looking for common elements in fascisims and characterizes the naturę of fascist worldview. Finally author states that we cannot find attributes, characteristic only for fascism. Even the obvious criminality of fascism can be compared with the crimes of totalitarian regimes. Author notes, that about fascism as a unique phenomenon we can speak only in the sense of specific fusion of peculiarities characteristic to other phenomenon.
The purpose of article “Gdansk’s liberals – pragmatic liberalism” is to present the ideology and socio-political program of the Gdansk liberals. Subsequently, an attempt will be shown to incorporate the concept of the Gdansk liberals in the party program of the Liberal-Democratic Congress (Kongres Liberalno-Demokratyczny). The author in the introduction focuses on the definition of intellectual formation called the “Gdansk liberals”. Then they were presented the basic ideas, the political program (system of state, privatization as an attempt to create a middle class, regionalism, and the issue of “liberal revolution”). Article ends with reflections on the relationship of Gdansk’s liberals to KLD.
The article presents the way in which the famous "Solidarity” movement was laying grounds for its activities abroad. Since the beginning of its existence it attracted attention and curiosity of the world. It came into relations with many western labor movements, who supported it in all different manners. "Solidarity” members had to deal with a number of problems in order to cooperate with their foreign counterparts. Trying to run its own foreign politics was not an easy task given the geopolitical situation. Nevertheless, starting with gathering special teams, through organizing a Foreign Department and ending up with publishing a set of a certain rules and guidelines, the movement was preparing itself for entering the International arena with its own visions and ideas. The movements' goals much exceeded Poland's borders. "Solidarity” delcared to fight for law, peace and justice in all states of the world. Trying not to push the line with the Poland's authorities too far, itmade an attemptto be active in the labor world on both sides of the Iron Curtain. By the end of 1981 the movement could already present its successes in this field. The martial law forced "Solidarity” underground, however, it did not manage to destroy its achievements regarding foreign contacts.
The article considers the phenomenon of one of the most intellectually active, anticommunist opposition group in Poland. The Young Poland Movement organiza- tion was established in 1979 and ended its activity after ten years. Furthermore, the magazine "Bratniak” constituted the main press measure in presenting the ideas of its members. The author presents the peculiarity of creating the Young Poland Movement, es- pecially the significance of the group connected with magazine "Bratniak”. Moreover, the author analyses the ideological declaration of Young Poland Movementand out-lines principal values acknowledged by the group. The article also emphasizes the importance of obstacles thatthe group was facing during the political transformation in Poland. The finał outcome of the events at the turn of the 1989 and 1990 was particularly visible in termination of Young Poland Movement activity. In order to such occurrence its members joined various political groups. Itcould be caused by two differentviews of political action, thatwere noticeable among the Young Poland Movement members.
The aim of this paper is to present the concept of The end of History by F. Fukuyama and compare it with the philosophical concepts of I. Kant. The text is describing the main elements of liberal democracy promoted by Fukuyama comparing them to philosophical proposals of Kant. Both authors paid attention to the importance of human rights in international relations. Both also expressed their hope for the existence of global peace. The factor that diff ers them is the attitude towards the democracy.
RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: We adopted establishment of mutual relations between the political thought of the people’s movement in Poland at the end of the partitions and the interwar period, and peasant nature as the main objective of our work. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: The question arose, whether each of the basic categories of political thought of the people’s movement was inspired by peasant nature, and whether there was any feedback – with thought affecting the said nature. The highlighting of this issue necessitated using research methods and techniques specific to the exploration of research on political thought; first of all, analysis of testimonies and traces of political thought of popular parties, as well as comparative analysis. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: We set off presenting definitions of the basic concepts (political thought, people’s movement, peasant nature) first. Then, attention was paid to the conditions of the peasant nature and the role it played in shaping the ideology of the people’s movement in Poland. The influence of socio-political conditions on peasant nature were demonstrated, and their influence on the development of political thought of popular parties. RESEARCH RESULTS: Peasants constituted the cornerstone of society and the nation for the politicians of the people’s movement, they were the inspiration for their political concepts and actions. The article attempts to prove to what extent the living conditions of the peasants determined their nature and the peasant nature the thought of the people’s movement. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS: We address the conclusions drawn from considerations contained in the article to both politicians, political scientists and rural sociologists. They demonstrate the way ideologists of the people’s movement have proved that all political action is justified, as long as its results and effects serve man. Hence the demand for rebuilding the peasant’s psyche (refining it).
PL
CEL NAUKOWY: Za naczelny cel przyjęto ustalenie wzajemnych związków zachodzących pomiędzy myślą polityczną ruchu ludowego w Polsce w końcowym okresie zaborów i dwudziestoleciu międzywojennym a naturą chłopską. PROBLEM I METODY BADAWCZE: Pojawiło się pytanie, czy każda z podstawowych kategorii myśli politycznej ruchu ludowego była inspirowana naturą chłopską oraz czy następowało sprzężenie zwrotne – myśl wpływała na naturę. Niezbędne dla ukazania problemu było zastosowanie metod i technik badawczych swoistych dla badań nad myślą polityczną, przede wszystkim analizy świadectw i śladów myśli politycznej partii ludowych, a także analizy porównawczej. Takie podejście badawcze pozwoliło na uchwycenie swoistości eksplorowanego problemu. PROCES WYWODU: W pierwszej kolejności przedstawiono definicje podstawowych pojęć (myśl polityczna, ruch ludowy, natura chłopska). Następnie zwrócono uwagę na uwarunkowania natury chłopskiej oraz rolę, jaką odgrywała w kształtowaniu ideologii ruchu ludowego w Polsce. Ukazano wpływ warunków społeczno-politycznych na chłopską naturę, a jej na rozwój myśli politycznej partii ludowych. WYNIKI ANALIZY NAUKOWEJ: Chłopi stanowili dla polityków ruchu ludowego fundament społeczeństwa i narodu, byli inspiracją dla koncepcji i działań politycznych. W artykule starano się udowodnić, na ile warunki życia chłopów determinowały ich naturę, a natura chłopska myśl ludowców. WNIOSKI, INNOWACJE, REKOMENDACJE: Wnioski płynące z rozważań zawartych w artykule adresowane są zarówno do polityków, politologów, jak i socjologów wsi. Ukazano sposób, w jaki ideolodzy ruchu ludowego udowodnili, że wszelkie działanie polityczne ma uzasadnienie wówczas, gdy jego wyniki i efekty służą człowiekowi. Stąd pojawił się postulat przebudowy psychiki chłopa (uszlachetniania go).
In this article an assumption is made that several factors are responsi-ble for current democracy state. First of all the state-phobia phenome-non is scrutinized while looking for factors which are responsible for citizens reluctance and fear of state. Hypothesis is raised that state-phobia cause withdrawal of democratization wave in today’s nation-states. Trying to solve this problem out author highlighted the impor-tance of the idea of state in political thought and an impact of socio-economic pattern of the world we observe (impact of neoliberalism). Political attitudes summarized as state-phobia rise from a number of factors and cause a number of spaces connected with political life such as electoral behavior. It seems that the lack of trust toward nation-state works like a perpetuum mobile causing the weak state and inefficient institution.
Klasycy realizmu w polityce nie żywili wątpliwości, że ludzie są jestestwami niespokojnymi1. W związku z tym uważali za czynność jałową pisanie z intencją nawracania na szlachetność istot przeciążonych afektami i zdolnych do kierowania się rozumem przede wszystkim w odniesieniu do sfery własnych interesów; istot popadających prędko w niepoprawne marzycielstwo, gdy tylko sferę własnych interesów opuszczają. Realistów cechuje zatem brak wiary w możliwość radykalnego uracjonalnienia się większości, będącej niewolnikami namiętności, strachu, niepokoju, troski – generalnie wszystkich tych czynników, które wiodą do popełniania błędów, będących skutkiem braku roztropności.
Fryderyk Skarbek (1792-1866) pamiętany jest przede wszystkim jako ekonomista, który przeszczepiał na polski grunt liberalne idee Adama Smitha, tworząc na ich bazie pierwszy w polskiej literaturze system ekonomiczny. Był on również po upadku powstania listopadowego i likwidacji Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego, w którym poprzednio wykładał, urzędnikiem w administracji Królestwa Polskiego1. Swoje refl eksje na temat jego ustroju przedstawił w wczesnych stosunkowo artykułach publicystycznych pochodzących z lat 1818-1821, a następnie – jako historyk dziejów najnowszych – w pisanych na emeryturze dziełach: Dzieje Księstwa Warszawskiego (Poznań 1860), Krolestwo Polskie od epoki początku swego do rewolucji Listopadowej oraz Krolestwo Polskie po rewolucji Listopadowej (publikacja pośmiertna, Poznań 1876-1877), tworzących razem cykl nie bez pewnej intencji zatytułowany Dzieje Polski. Sięgnięcie do znajdujących się tam analiz jest interesujące z dwóch powodów: po pierwsze – zwartych w nich tez, po drugie – dlatego, że pokazują one sposób myślenia pewnej grupy umiarkowanej, liberalnej inteligencji, urzędników czy intelektualistów ze środowisk mieszczańskich i niekiedy szlacheckich.
Rozprawa odnosi się do koncepcji polityczno - ustrojowych jakie głosił ks. kard. August Hlond, prymas w latach 1926 - 1948, w odniesieniu do nowej, powojennej Polski.
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