Full-text resources of CEJSH and other databases are now available in the new Library of Science.
Visit https://bibliotekanauki.pl

Results found: 5

first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last

Search results

Search:
in the keywords:  národní identita
help Sort By:

help Limit search:
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
1
Content available remote

Dějiny obětí : k historiografii a politice identity českých židů

100%
Strobach V.
Soudobé dějiny (Contemporary History)
|
2016
|
vol. 23
|
issue 3
391-421
EN
a2_The history of the Jews, according to the author, became locked in an interpretation based solely on the idea of ''eternal antisemitism and its victims''. This is therefore a good example of history/memory as an inherent component of ideology. As such, it has been operating in the undifferentiated space between scholarship and politics, and has been constructing the ethnocentric identity of the Jewish nation. This has led to a schematizing division of social relationships into adverse national and cultural (racial) camps, which have seemed to exist ''since time immemorial'' and ''naturally'', and to the gradual seclusion of the Jewish community and its defining itself or being defined against other groups. This is evident not only in the approach of Czech Jews towards the Arabs (Muslims) but also in the assertion of the security discourse in their politics of identity in fields as specialized as architecture and social care.
CS
a2_Dějiny židů podle mínění autora zabředly do výkladu založeného výhradně na tezi o ''věčném antisemitismu'' a jeho obětech. Slouží tak jako dobrý příklad dějin, respektive paměti, tvořících neodmyslitelnou součást ideologie. Jako takové fungují v celistvém prostoru vědy a politiky a vytvářejí etnocentrickou identitu židovského národa. To vede ke schematizujícímu rozdělení společenských vztahů na konfliktní národní i kulturní (rasové) tábory, které jako by existovaly od nepaměti a "přirozeně", k postupné izolaci židovské komunity a jejímu vymezování vůči ostatním skupinám. O tom může svědčit nejen vztah českých židů vůči Arabům (muslimům), ale rovněž prosazování diskurzu o bezpečnosti v jejich politice identity i v oblastech tak specifických, jako je architektura a sociální péče.
2
Content available remote

K dějinám obětí Víta Strobacha

100%
Hallama P., Dvořáček P.
Soudobé dějiny (Contemporary History)
|
2016
|
vol. 23
|
issue 3
422-426
EN
In this contribution, the author responds to Vít Strobach´s ''The history of the victim: Concerning the historiography and politics of identity of the Czech Jews'', which is conceived as a polemic with the altest discussing about the history of the Jews, and not only those written by Czechs. The author considers it useful that Strobach is concerned only to summarize the content of the discussions, without drawing a clear line between historiography and politics, because he understands historians not only as academic actors but also as social and political actors. But, according to the author of this article, the results of the effort are not particularly convincing: Strobach´s categorizations of the ''history of the victim'' type is not based on a thorough analysis of the sources, but are instead a judgement based on assumptions, which have guided him in his selection of texts. In consequence of this intentionally selective approach,. Strobach creates a distorted impression of the nature of the whole discussion, because in current Czech historiography about the Jews and the Holocaust normative concepts on the ''history of the victim'' does not play much of a role. Similarly, it can hardly be claimed that the history of the Jews is often said to be identical with the history of antisemitism. Concerning the ''identity politics'' of the Jews of the Bohemian Lands, it is misleading of Strobach to claim that a form of the historical collective memory clearly defined in this way is asserted in historiography, without naming who exactly is the bearer of this memory. Moreover, he fails to define his basic terms, which thus lack an analytical keenness. On the whole, Strobach is satisfied with a simplistic, unoriginal critique, and fails to use the opportunity to constructively move the discussion forward.
CS
Autor reaguje na předešlou stať Víta Strobacha ''Dějiny obětí: K historiografii a politice identity českých židů'', která je pojata jako kritická polemika s nejnovějšími (nejen českými) diskusemi o dějinách Židů. Považuje za přínosné, že Strobach jde za pouhé obsahové shrnutí a že přitom nevede jasnou dělicí linku mezi historiografií a politikou, když historiky chápe nejen jako vědecké, ale zároveň jako společenské a politické aktéry. Výsledek této snahy však podle autora příliš nepřesvědčuje, protože Strobachovy kategorizace typu ''dějiny obětí'' nevzešly z důkladné analýzy pramenného materiálu, ale jsou spíše apriorním soudem, který ho vedl při výběru textů. V důsledku tohoto programově selektivního přístupu vzbuzuje Strobach zkreslený dojem o povaze celé diskuse, neboť v současné české historiografické produkci o minulosti Židů a holokaustu nehrají normativní koncepty ,,dějin obětí'' větší roli, stejně jako sotva platí tvrzení, že dějiny Židů jsou v ní často ztotožňovány s historií antisemitismu. Pokud jde o ''politiku identity'' českých Židů, je zavádějící tvrdit, že se v ní prosazují takto vyhraněné podoby jejich historické kolektivní paměti, aniž Strobach označí jejich konkrétní nositele. Navíc ani nedefinuje základní používané pojmy, které tak postrádají analytické ostří. Celkově se Strobach spokojuje s příliš jednoduchou a nikterak novou kritikou a nevyužívá příležitosti posunout diskusi konstruktivně kupředu.
3
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Henrik Ibsen a Peer Gynt mezi bokmålem a nynorskem

71%
Humpál M.
Svět literatury – Časopis pro novodobé literatury (World of Literature – Journal for Modern Literatures)
|
2019
|
vol. 60
64-68
EN
The article discusses the uproar which resulted from the decision to translate Henrik Ibsen’s drama Peer Gynt (1867) from one of the official written Norwegian languages (riksmål/bokmål) to the other (landsmål/nynorsk) in 1947/48 in connection with a theatre production which had its premiere in March 1948. Many Norwegians regard Peer Gynt as the greatest work of their national literature, and therefore many of them considered it close to sacrilegious to stage it in nynorsk, the language which Ibsen did not use and, in fact, strongly disliked. Some Norwegians protested vehemently against translating the drama to nynorsk, while others found the idea perfectly acceptable. The article thus offers an interesting example of a split between two language cultures within one nation.
4
Content available remote

Rok 1989 jako začátek konce Jugoslávie - slovinská perspektiva: slovinské veřejné mínění a povaha federace

71%
Gašparič J., Medková B.
Soudobé dějiny (Contemporary History)
|
2021
|
vol. 28
|
issue 1
70-98
EN
The author examines the attitude of Slovenians to the Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia since the late 1960s until the declaration of the independent Republic of Slovenia in 1991. He asks himself a question whether socialist Yugoslavia was indeed a state which Slovenians perceived as theirs, just like they had done in the case of the pre-war Kingdom of Yugoslavia, and he observes how their identification with that state was changing over time, the reasons of the changes, and whether the loss of their loyalty caused the disintegration of the Yugoslav federation. He is looking for answers in public opinion polls which had been continually taking place in Slovenia since 1968 and conducted in a relatively fair manner, without political interventions, which is indeed a rarity in the context of socialist countries. Using their results, the author concludes that Slovenians viewed themselves as a natural part of the Yugoslav community until the late 1980s. This opinion was shared by a majority of Slovenia’s population, although many of them were not satisfied with Slovenia’s position in Yugoslavia, or their living standard at times of economic crises. It was only in 1989 that the opinion that Yugoslavia as a “country of many advantages” had run out of its potential and no longer offered good prospects for future prevailed among Slovenians. However, their attitudes reacting to accelerating changes both at home and abroad did not cause the disintegration of the common state. After 1991, Slovenians completely (and sometimes uncritically) identified themselves with independent Slovenia, and mostly (although rather declaratively) also with values of parliamentary democracy. The author’s exposition is preceded by an analysis of published sources on the disintegration of Yugoslavia and based on an extensive set of empirical data from public opinion polls in the form of tables.
5
Content available remote

The museal production of Hungary’s inorganic past and Poland’s postponed victory: the case of the House of Terror and the Warsaw Rising Museum

61%
Smith R.
Soudobé dějiny (Contemporary History)
|
2022
|
vol. 29
|
issue 3
825-851
EN
More than thirty years after the fall of communism, both Hungary and Poland are still trying to reinvent their national identity by understanding their pasts. As flagship museums of Viktor Orbán’s Hungary Civic Alliance (Fidesz) in Hungary and Jarosław Kaczyński’s Law and Justice Party (PiS) in Poland, the House of Terror (Terror Háza) in Budapest and the Warsaw Rising Museum (Muzeum Powstania Warszawskiego) have been used as epistemological tools in advancing the governing party’s respective memory politics. Within their portrayal of the nation’s contemporary past, these museums also endorse a particular national identity that serves the political desires of both Fidesz and PiS. This article traces how the museums present and signify the nation and how they articulate the national identity espoused by the museum. The author borrows methodological approaches from museum studies and formulates her own research protocol, which identifies three layers of national identity articulation: the presentation of the nation, the representation of the nation, and the political production of national identity.
CS
Více než třicet let po pádu komunismu se Maďarsko i Polsko snaží skrze minulost znovu a jinak uchopit svou národní identitu. Vládnoucí strany Maďarská občanská unie (Fidesz) v Maďarsku a Právo a spravedlnost (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość – PiS) v Polsku využívají svá „vlajková muzea“ – Dům teroru (Terror Háza) v Budapešti a Muzeum Varšavského povstání (Muzeum Powstania Warszawskiego) – jako epistemologické nástroje k prosazování vlastní politiky paměti. Obě muzea zobrazují soudobé dějiny „svých“ národů a zdůrazňují typ národní identity způsobem, který slouží politickým přáním Fidesz i PiS. Autorka si v článku klade otázku, jak tyto muzejní instituce prezentují a jakým významem naplňují kategorii národa a jak artikulují národní identitu, k níž se hlásí. Využívá přitom metodologických přístupů z oblasti muzejnictví a formuluje vlastní tezi o třech vrstvách artikulace národní identity: prezentace národa, reprezentace národa a politická produkce národní identity.
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
JavaScript is turned off in your web browser. Turn it on to take full advantage of this site, then refresh the page.