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KARNE I KRYMINOLOGICZNE ASPEKTY POSIADANIA MARIHUANY I AMFETAMINY W POLSCE — UJĘCIE TEORETYCZNE I PRAKTYCZNE

100%

THEUSS P., DZIENISZEWSKA M., DZIENISZEWSKA M.

Przegląd Policyjny

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2018

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vol. 3(131)

188-199

PL

Posiadanie środków odurzających w myśl obecnie obowiązujących przepisów ustawy o przeciwdziałaniu narkomani stanowi przestępstwo. Pierwszym krajem, który kryminalizował posiadanie takich środków, były Stany Zjednoczone Ameryki. W Polsce proces kryminalizacji rozpoczął się w latach 20. XX w. — 22 czerwca 1923 r. wprowadzona została ustawa w przedmiocie substancji i przetworów odurzających, co zapoczątkowało prohibicyjny stosunek do środków odurzających, który obowiązuje do dzisiaj. W artykule poruszony został temat posiadania dwóch najczęściej ujawnianych przez organy ścigania środków narkotykowych, którymi są marihuana i amfetamina, zarówno w ujęciu teoretycznym, jak i praktycznym. Z jednej strony wyjaśniona została kwestia posiadania środków zabronionych przez polskie prawo oraz przedstawiony został ich wpływ na organizm człowieka, natomiast z drugiej strony opisana została działalność organów ścigania dotycząca ujawniania i wyglądu miejsc, w których dochodzi do produkcji wspomnianych substancji odurzających.

2

Patologie zagrożeniem bezpieczeństwa społecznego w Polsce

100%

Ciekanowski Z.

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2015

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vol. 12

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issue 12

5-15

PL

W niniejszym artykule przedstawiono jak bardzo poważnym zagrożeniem dla bezpieczeństwa społecznego są patologie. Do najczęściej występujących patologii zagrażających naszemu społeczeństwu zaliczyć należy alkoholizm, narkomanię, bezrobocie, przemoc i prostytucję. Alkoholizm to patologia, która w największym stopniu zagraża bezpieczeństwu społecznemu w naszym kraju. W artykule pokazano też, że jednym z zadań państwa w celu zapobiegania patologiom społecznym powinna być walka z alkoholizmem i ograniczenie tego zjawiska. Zjawiskiem, który powoduje podobne fatalne skutki jeśli chodzi o bezpieczeństwo społeczne jest narkomania – rozrastanie się tej patologii powinno być sygnałem alarmowym dla władz naszego państwa, szczególnie coraz częstsze kontakty z używkami młodych ludzi. Innego rodzaju patologiami niż alkoholizm i narkomania jest bezrobocie. Autorzy w swoim opracowaniu zwracają jak patologie społeczne są istotnym zagrożeniem każdego państwa.

3

LOKALNA DIAGNOZA PROBLEMÓW I ZAGROŻEŃ SPOŁECZNYCH NA PRZYKŁADZIE MIASTA SZCZYTNO

86%

Łachacz T.

Przegląd Policyjny

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2019

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vol. 134(2)

170-186

PL

W artykule ukazano istotę i znaczenie diagnozy społecznej oraz przedstawiono lokalny wymiar problemów i zagrożeń społecznych na przykładzie gminy miejskiej Szczytno. Lokalna diagnoza jest ważnym elementem strategii rozwiązywania problemów społecznych, a obowiązek jej opracowania wynika z ustawy o pomocy społecznej. Jej celem jest zidentyfi kowanie dotkliwych zjawisk i sytuacji w danej wspólnocie, tak aby zainicjować potrzebne zmiany społeczne. W Szczytnie, w latach 2004–2014, opracowano trzy diagnozy społeczne w oparciu o przeprowadzone badania empiryczne. Wynika z nich, że w mieście głównymi zagrożeniami o charakterze społecznym są bezrobocie, alkoholizm i narkomania. Takiego stanu rzeczy nie odzwierciedlają dane statystyczne gromadzone przez instytucje lokalne, zajmujące się wspomnianymi problemami. W związku z pojawiającymi się rozbieżnościami w ocenie zagrożeń występujących na terenie gminy, w artykule przedstawiono skalę i charakter niepożądanych zjawisk, które poddano analizie w szczycieńskich diagnozach społecznych. W tym celu odwołano się do „Diagnozy problemów uzależnień i innych zagrożeń społecznych dla miasta Szczytno” z 2009 r. oraz do dokumentu „Lokalna diagnoza, monitoring oraz strategia rozwiązywania problemów uzależnień i innych zagrożeń społecznych dla miasta Szczytno” opracowanego w 2014 r.

4

Zwalczanie tak zwanych dopalaczy normami prawa karnego w ustawie o przeciwdziałaniu narkomanii

86%

Nawrocki M.

Acta Iuris Stetinensis

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2018

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issue 22

59-76

PL

Niniejsza publikacja jest poświęcona problematyce zwalczania „dopalaczy” za pomocą przepisów prawa karnego. W związku z przygotowywanymi nowelizacjami przepisów konieczne jest poddanie projektowanych zmian analizie. Zasadniczo należy zgodzić się z potrzebą wprowadzenia odpowiedzialności karnej za posiadanie i wprowadzanie do obrotu „dopalaczy”, choć wydaje się, że przedstawione projekty nie rozwiązują wszystkich zdiagnozowanych już problemów.

EN

This publication is devoted to the issue of combating “legal highs” by means of criminal law. In connection with the prepared amendments to the regulations, it is necessary to subject the proposed changes to an analysis. Essentially, one should agree with the need to introduce criminal liability for the possession and marketing of “legal highs”, although it seems that the presented projects do not solve all the problems already diagnosed.

5

Narkomania i przestępstwa o charakterze seksualnym w województwach przygranicznych, w których pokrzywdzonymi i sprawcami są dzieci i młodzież

86%

Kaup-Zimna J.

Studia – konteksty pogranicza

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2021

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issue 5

135-141

PL

Tekst przedstawia zestawienia liczbowe z lat 2000-2007, obrazujące skalę przestępczości narkotykowej i seksualnej podjętej przez najmłodszą grupę sprawców – nieletnich.

EN

The text presents the latest figures from 2000-2007, illustrating the scale of drug and sexual offenses committed by the youngest group of perpetrators – minors.

6

O efektywności prawa karnego, ciemnej liczbie, wiktymizacji i rozmiarach narkomanii

81%

Tyszkiewicz L., Kosmowski S.

Archiwum Kryminologii

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2002

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issue XXVI

101-131

EN

The article presents the results of survey research carried out in the Katowice and Chorzów regions (SE Poland). In early 2000 we obtained 414 questionnaires completed by under- and post-graduate students at the University of Silesia’s Law and Administration Department and students of local high schools. The investigation was victimology-oriented, the respondents being asked not only whether they had been victims of crime of various kinds but also whether the perpetrator had been punished. Our premise was that based on measures adopted by Polish criminal procedure the victim of a crime was entitled to know of the offender’s punishment, assuming that he had in fact been convicted. Within our sample the predominant group was young people, females marginally outnumbered males, almost all respondents reported average or above-average circumstances, and almost all were also urban–dwellers, the vast majority living in towns with populations of over 100,000. The first question that interested us was the effectiveness of the law, chich is most fully reflected in measurements of absolute effectiveness, that is, the percentage of crimes punished to the total number of crimes actually committed. This umounted to 3.33%. If we deduct the relatively large number of non-indictable offenses, i.e. not subject to prosecution by the state (e.g. libel and slander) the figure rises to 4.02%. In addition to the absolute effectiveness measure we also calculated a relative effectiveness index. It was the ratio of punished offenses to the total number of offenses reported to law-enforcement authorities by the respondents. In our survey the relative effectiveness index amounted overall to 20.0% and after the elimination of non-indictable offenses to 19.7%. To estimate effectiveness we deducted offenses committed in 1999 on the assumption that the majority of these were too recent for prosecution and conviction to have taken place. Obviously, a crucial influence on measurement of the effectiveness of the law is exerted by the number of offenses reported to law-enforcement authorities. Our questionnaire was designed to allow respondents to adduce the number of instances of victimization in the preceding year and in general without mentioning their location in time. Since the survey was carried out in earlv 2000 the preceding year was 1990. The level of notification of crimes for the whole period in question came in our survey to 15.3% of the total incidence of crime. For 1999 this ratio recorded a count of 13.1% in other words was fractionally lower. After deducting non-indictable offenses these indexes rise to 19.9% and 19.0 % respectively. The most frequently reported crimes were burglaries (58.7%). Next on the list came simple larceny (18.6%) and fraud (18.1%, 29.5% in 1999); no cases of bribery were reported. A relatively rarely reported crime was robbery with violence (12.2%, 13.7% in 1999). The so-called "dark figure" can be stated in a variety o ways. One is by an absolute number, either broader or narrower. This depends on inclusion in the dark figure of all offenses actually committed or only those which are not reported to the law-enforcement authorities or are subject to private prosecution. Another way of determining the dark figure is by an index- or ratio-based measure. Here, too, there are two possibilities. In the first the number of offenses actually committed per the number punished is calculated. The second estimates the number of offenses actually committed per the number reported. The findings of our survey were as follows. The dark figure for the total number of crimes actually committed and the whole of the period in question amounted in absolute terms to 1,492 and for unreported offenses to 1,263. For 1999 corresponding counts came to 562 and 488 respectively. In index-measured terms the number of offenses actually committed per the number reported amounted for the whole period in question to 6.5 and for 1999 to 7.6, in other words to fractionally more. The number of offenses actually committed per the number punished (after deducting offenses committed in 1999) since it is hardy likely that any of these would already have been punished in early 2000 amounted to 30. Considerable attention was given to determining the structure of offenses committed, reported and punished and to the structure of offenses committed to the injury of different categories of victims (men, women, high school students, undergraduates, doctoral students). Differences were found here. The most significant was that the most frequent victims of offenses against the person are males and persons in the younger age group; the same pattern holds for robberies with violence of which females are only exceptionally the victims (only three cases in the whole the of the material gathered by the survey). By contrast, females and persons in the older age group are the most frequent victims of simple larceny. An in-depth victimologicar analysis yielded the following findings. The coefficient of victimization, that is, the total number of offenses per member of the sample, amounted for the totality of our respondents over the whole period in question to 3.60, though it was much higher for the male and younger age group (5.5 for the former and 7.86 for the fourth-year high school students). In the females group as a whole the coefficient came to 2.40 and was highest in the doctoral students sub-group (3.27). The victimization index is the percentage of the number of crime victims in the whole of the sample. If we subtract the victimization index from 100 we will obtain a percentage measure of the number of persons who have not be victims either of any crime or of a crime of particular kind. For the whole of the sample and the whole of the period in question this index amounted to 76.1%, i.e. the number of non-victimized persons did not exceed 23.9%; for 1999 the counts were 47.1% and 52.9% respectively. The victimization index in the males group amounted to 85.1% for the whole period in question and to 57.8% for 1999; in the females group the analogous counts came to 70,4% and 40.3% respectively. Victimization intensity is a measure which is characterized by the number of criminal acts committed per victim. In our survey it amounted to 4.74 for the whole sample and the whole period covered by the survey and to 2.88 for 1999. The analogous scores for the males and females group came to 6.46 and 3.68 and for the females to 3.41 and 2.16. An important supplement to victimological investigation is determining an index of victimization variation. It completes the picture provided by victimization intensity. For obvious reasons this measure is calculated only for the whole sample or its subgroup. It illustrates how many kinds of offenses have been committed against the average victim. Victimization variation is calculated by dividing the sum of the number of individuals wronged by particular categories of offenses by the total number of victims among the persons included in the sample. There is a certain relationship between victimization intensity and variation. If intensity equals one, variation also equals one. Aside from this instance variation either equals intensity or is slightly lower. Variation can never exceed the number of the kinds of offenses specified in an investigation. Within these limits the closer the variation index is to the value of variation, the higher the variation of criminality given that intensity is relatively high. If inteisity approaches unity variation, despite the proportionately high level of the index, diminishes. In our survey intensity for the whole group and for the whole period in question amounted to 4.74 and for 1999 to 2.88. In other words, the average number of offenses per victim came overall to almost five, and in 1999 this average came to close on three.The variation measures attained a level of, respectively, 2.38 and 1.58 which means that, overall, victims were wronged on average by two kinds of offenses and in 1999 by between one and tow. The highest intensity occurred in the males subgroup of the high school students group (8.24) which also had the highest variation index (3.46). As for intensity second place was occupied by males in the doctoral students group (8.04), thougt its variation score/count was markedly lower than in the high school students group (2.80). Our survey also indicated the scale of drug abuse. The respondents were asked to state the number of contacts they had had with persons using drugs and with dealers or producers of drugs. Within the whole group studied contacts with consumers of drugs were reported by 49.0% of the respondents and contacts with drug dealers or producers by 25.1%. These contacts were much more frequent among the high school students (67.4% and 39.3% respectively) than among tne undergraduates and doctoral students (27.4% and 8.6%). The survey presented here covered a relatively small group of persons and one drawn from only a single region. Further investigations of this type are essential.

7

Refleksje na temat art. 62 ustawy o przeciwdziałaniu narkomanii na tle karnoprawnym i konstytucyjnym

81%

Tkaczyk-Rymanowska K.

Ius Novum

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2021

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vol. 15

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issue 1

47-66

EN

The article presents a few critical comments on the regulations laid down in Articles 62-62b Act on the prevention of drug addiction of 2005. The paper aims to draw attention to some doubts that the regulation raises not only because of the subject matter referred to in Article 62 but also due to the context of the constitutional provisions. It is an attempt to answer the question about the legal reason for criminalising the possession of psychotropic substances. The author presents a thesis that drug ‘use’ and ‘possession’ should be treated by law similarly and more as a social or medical problem than a criminal one, although it is not so in the present legal state, which is confirmed by the case law and literature referred to in the article. Penalisation of drug possession constitutes excessive entry in the forefield of prohibited acts and, as a result, leads to repressing consumers of psychoactive drugs by creating a separate category of offenders and offences. In the author’s opinion, the possession of small amounts of drugs for one’s own use should be rather treated in terms of social pathology (like prostitution or suicide), which should not generate criminal liability. The article also presents an analysis of Article 62 Act on the prevention of drug addiction from the perspective of Article 31 and Article 47 of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland. As a result, the author draws a conclusion that the provision of Article 62 referred to herein does not pass the so-called proportionality test and is unconstitutional.

PL

W artykule zaprezentowano kilka uwag krytycznych pod adresem regulacji zawartych w art. 62–62b Ustawy o przeciwdziałaniu narkomanii z 2005 roku. Celem tej publikacji jest zwrócenie uwagi na wątpliwości, jakie budzi wspomniana regulacja nie tylko od strony przedmiotowej opisanej w art. 62 ustawy, ale i w kontekście przepisów konstytucyjnych. Stanowi więc ona próbę odpowiedzi na pytania o ratio legis kryminalizowania posiadania środków psychoaktywnych. Autorka wysuwa tezę, iż „używanie” i „posiadanie” powinny być w zakresie regulacji prawnych traktowane podobnie, bardziej jako problem społeczny czy medyczny, a nie prawnokarny, choć w aktualnym stanie prawnym tak nie jest, o czym świadczą prezentowane w pracy orzecznictwo oraz zgromadzona literatura. Karalność posiadania stanowi zbyt duże wyjście na przedpole czynu zabronionego i w konsekwencji prowadzi do represjonowania konsumentów środków psychoaktywnych, tworząc odrębną kategorię przestępców i przestępstw. Posiadanie na własny użytek niewielkich ilości narkotyków powinno być, zdaniem Autorki, rozpatrywane w kategoriach bardziej patologii społecznych (podobnie jak prostytucja, samobójstwo), które to zjawiska nie powinny generować odpowiedzialności karnej. W prezentowanym artykule dokonana została także analiza art. 62 ustawy w kontekście art. 31 ust 3 oraz art. 47 Konstytucji RP, w wyniku której Autorka doszła do wniosku, iż wskazany przepis art. 62 ustawy nie spełnia tzw. testu proporcjonalności i jest niezgodny z Konstytucją.

8

Narkomania wśród adolescentów – uwarunkowania

72%

Welc M.

Roczniki Pedagogiczne

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2019

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vol. 11(47)

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issue Numer specjalny

477-488

PL

Poważnym zagrożeniem płynącym ze współczesnego środowiska jest narkomania. Obecnie dotyka ona coraz więcej osób, w szczególności młodych. Narkotyki towarzyszą człowiekowi od zarania dziejów. Statystyki pokazują, że coraz więcej młodych ludzi sięga po nie, uzależnia się i często bywa za późno na pomoc. Jest to uzależnienie niosące wiele chorób, a nawet i śmierć. Przez różnego rodzaju niepowodzenia, złe kontakty z rodziną czy problemy szkolne młody człowiek chce uciec w inny świat i na chwilę czuć się bezpieczny w tym świecie, co umożliwiają narkotyki. Niniejszy artykuł przedstawia uwarunkowania narkomanii wśród adolescentów. Prezentowane są również działania profilaktyczne i lecznicze. Narkotyki są poważnym problemem obecnych czasów.

EN

Drug addiction is a serious threat which comes from the modern surroundings. Nowadays it affects a growing group of people, especially young. Drugs have been accompanying people since the dawn of history. Statistics show that more and more young people are reaching for drugs and often it is too late to help them. It is an addiction that brings many diseases and even death. Young people want to feel safe so that they often escape into the world of drugs to forget about the problems caused by the family, the school or the other failures. This article presents the determinants of drug addiction among adolescents. It also presents preventive and curative activities. Drugs are a serious problem of our time.

9

Narkomania jako czynnik kryminogenny

72%

Skibicka S.

Roczniki Pedagogiczne

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2019

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vol. 11(47)

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issue Numer specjalny

401-418

PL

Zjawisko zjawiska przestępczości narkotykowej staje się coraz bardziej powszechne w środowisku lokalnym. Jego zasięg, różnorodność i konsekwencje powodują, że należy je traktować jako poważnie zagrożenie. Skala prezentowanej patologii społecznej jest bardzo szeroka. Przestępczość powiązana ze środkami psychoaktywnymi jest coraz większym zagrożeniem dla społeczeństwa nie tylko ze strony narkomanii, lecz także związanego z tym zjawiskiem łamania prawnych i społecznych norm. Artykuł poświęcony jest problemowi narkomanii w Polsce, głównie przedstawia kryminogenny charakter narkomanii (przestępczość narkotykową). Porusza zagadnienie przestępczość zorganizowanej, czyli narkobiznesu, jak również ukazuje skalę i dynamikę opisywanego zjawiska.

EN

The presence of drug-related crime is becoming more and more common in the local environment. Its range, diversity and consequences make them a serious threat. The scale of the presented social pathology is very wide. The association of crime and psychoactive substances is becoming an increasing threat to society not only from the side of drug addiction but also from the phenomenon of breaking legal and social norms. The article is devoted to the problem of drug addiction in Poland, mainly presenting the criminogenic nature of drug addiction (drug-related crime). He raises the problem of organized crime, or drug business, as well as shows the scale and dynamics of the phenomenon described.

10

Umorzenie postępowania karnego w trybie art. 62a Ustawy z dnia 29 lipca 2005 r. o przeciwdziałaniu narkomanii jako pozytywny środek reakcji karnoprawnej stosowany wobec sprawców posiadających narkotyki miękkie w nieznacznej ilości i przeznaczone na własny użytek

72%

Bartha A., Uniwersytet Gdański W. P. i. A., adrianbartha@gmail.com

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Iuridica

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2016

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vol. 76

PL

Ustawą nowelizacyjną z dnia 1 kwietnia 2011 r. wprowadzono do ustawy art. 62a umożliwiający umorzenie postępowania karnego jeszcze przed wydaniem postanowienia o wszczęciu śledztwa lub dochodzenia wobec sprawcy przestępstwa posiadania substancji psychotropowej lub środków odurzających, w tym także w wypadku mniejszej wagi (art. 62 ust. 1 i ust. 3 ustawy). Warunkiem koniecznym jest ustalenie, iż orzeczenie kary byłoby niecelowe ze względu na okoliczności popełnienia czynu, a także stopień jego społecznej szkodliwości, nadto podejrzewany posiadane środki odurzające lub substancje psychotropowe musi mieć w ilości nieznacznej i przeznaczone tylko na własny użytek. Artykuł omawia kwestie prawne wyżej opisanej instytucji, która wprowadziła możliwość depenalizacji zakresu odpowiedzialności karnej sprawcy – posiadacza narkotyków. Podjęto także próbę oceny skutków dodania art. 62a do ustawy poprzez analizę danych statystycznych, obrazujących zastosowanie tej instytucji przez prokuraturę i sąd karny w praktyce orzeczniczej.

EN

By the Act amendment of 1 April 2011, Art. 62a was incorporated into the original Act, which allows discontinuance of criminal proceedings before issuing an order to initiate an investigation or inquiry against a perpetrator in possession of psychotropic substances or intoxicants, including the case of lesser importance (Art. 62 (1 and 3) of the Act). A necessary condition is to establish that a verdict of a sentence would be pointless because of an offence circumstances and a degree of its social harmfulness. Also a person that is suspected of possession of drugs or psychotropic substances must have them in an insignificant quantity and only for personal use. This paper discusses some legal issues of the above described institution, which introduced a possibility of decriminalization of criminal liability of a perpetrator − a holder of drugs. The author also attempts to assess the effects of adding Art. 62a to the Act by presenting statistical data which illustrate the application of this institution by the prosecution and the criminal court in judicial decisions.

11

Aspekty etyczno-prawne legalizacji marihuany i innych narkotyków miękkich

61%

Kobyliński A.

Studia Ecologiae et Bioethicae

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2017

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vol. 15

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issue 3

69-81

EN

The main purpose of this article is to present the most important ethical and legal aspects of the legalization of marijuana and other soft drugs. The dispute over the legalization of access to the usage of drugs is an elevation to the point of moral revolution, which is currently engaged on a global scale. Over the past decade there has been strong shift in public opinion in many countries in favor of drug policy reform. Arguments about the prohibition of drugs and over drug policy reform are subjects of considerable controversy. The problem of legal access to drugs is a very complex interdisciplinary issue which requires a reliable diagnosis on the borderline of ethics, medicine, philosophy, law, sociology and political philosophy. The ethical evaluation of the usage of drug and distribution should always precede the adoption of specific measures of a legal nature.

PL

Głównym celem artykułu jest prezentacja najważniejszych aspektów etycznych i prawnych legalizacji marihuany i innych narkotyków miękkich. Spór o legalizację dostępu do narkotyków jest przejawem rewolucji moralnej, która dokonuje się obecnie w wymiarze globalnym. W ostatnim dziesięcioleciu nastąpiło w wielu krajach silne przesunięcie nastrojów opinii publicznej na korzyść reformy polityki narkotykowej. Argumenty związane z zakazem dostępu do narkotyków i reformą polityki narkotykowej są obecnie przedmiotem poważnych kontrowersji. Problem prawnego dostępu do narkotyków stanowi bardzo złożoną kwestię interdyscyplinarną, która wymaga rzetelnej diagnozy z pogranicza etyki, medycyny, filozofii prawa, socjologii i filozofii politycznej. Etyczna ocena stosowania narkotyków i ich dystrybucji powinna zawsze poprzedzać przyjęcie określonych rozwiązań o charakterze prawnym.

12

Przeciwdziałanie narkomanii jako element polityki społecznej w województwie warmińsko-mazurskim

58%

Suchoń E.

Roczniki Teologiczne

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2016

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vol. 63

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issue 1: Praca socjalna

139-157

EN

Tasks of the government and local authorities should be developing and implementing strategies for social problems solving and preventing rights violations related to the marketing, manufacture, conversion processing and possession of substances that use can lead to the drug addicts. Drug abuse is one of the international scope problems. There are many reasons for drug addicts and the output of the prior dependence is very difficult. This requires a lot of effort primarily the addicted one and support, patience and understanding from family and people participating in the therapy. Many social welfare institutions, non-governmental, health care are involved in helping the addicts, their families and in the development of anti-drug prevention programs. The intention of this work is to present the phenomenon of drug addiction occurring in the Warmia – Mazury and the results of the implementation of drug prevention programs.

PL

Do jednych z zadań administracji rządowej i samorządu terytorialnego należy opracowywanie i realizacja strategii rozwiązywania problemów społecznych oraz przeciwdziałanie naruszaniu prawa, dotyczącego obrotu, wytwarzania, przetwarzania, przerobu i posiadania substancji, których używanie może prowadzić do narkomanii. Narkomania należy do problemów o zasięgu międzynarodowym. Istnieje wiele przyczyn narkomanii, a wyjście ze stanu uzależnienia jest bardzo trudne. Wymaga to wiele wysiłku ze strony przede wszystkim samego uzależnionego oraz pomocy, cierpliwości, zrozumienia ze strony najbliższych i osób uczestniczących w terapii. Wiele placówek pomocy społecznej, pozarządowych, ochrony zdrowia jest zaangażowanych w udzielanie pomocy osobom uzależnionym i ich rodzinom oraz w opracowywanie programów profilaktycznych przeciwdziałania narkomanii. Zamierzeniem pracy jest przedstawienie programu przeciwdziałania narkomanii w województwie warmińsko-mazurskim oraz rezultatów jego wdrożenia.

13

Wpływ zaburzonej osobowości narkomana na dobro potomstwa

58%

Graczyk K.

Studia Włocławskie

|

2022

|

vol. 24

474-498

EN

A family is a group of people, who have an effect on each other. The positive relationship among family memebers have a great impact on creating and developing the personality traits. However, on the other hand, the influence of negative relashionship, even, of one family member, can have a destructive impact on the whole family community. The child acquires all essential skills and knowledge by being in a family. These ablilities are crucial and they allow a child to function properly in a social community. The greater parental responsibility, the richer personality of a child and the better beginning of his or her adult life. Nevetheless, the boundary between a „normal” family and the one, which shows the first symptoms of pathology, is very thin. When the parents start to put their favourites above their children’s good and needs because of some egoistic reasons, what is more, when the alcohol, some departures, the work as well as their friends are of utmost importance than their offsprings, the boundary is much more visible. It is claimed that in the case of disordered and demoralized family, the proper development of the child’s personality is impossible. There are some pe ople, who are worried becoming addicted to drugs or alcohol, and they try to find out their personality traits that can be characteristic for compulsive personality. They are curious and want to know what they should focus on in order to break free of the statement of being an addict or, even, they search for the good reason not to start taking drugs or any kinds of psychoactive substances. There are no doubts that the genetic factors have a great influence on the occurence of the risk of addiciton. According to the research, in the a situation when a person possesses a family member, who struggles with the addiction, there are increased chances for him or her of becoming addicted too. It is also highlighted that some of the human genome are identified as the ones that have the direct connections with the certain kind of addiction. Thanks to this precious knowledge, it will be possibile to estimate the probability of occuring the addiction due to a specific case in a more precise way. The existence of a certain genetic potencial does not state the only and direct cause of the addiction development. There are other complex environmental factors that also play an important role. Besides the genetic background, there is an another individual distinctive feature, which may decide about the high risk of addiction, and it can be defined as the occurence of psychological genetic background. People, who cope with some psychological disorders in the early stage, can overuse and be more prone to be addicted to various kinds of harmful substances.

PL

Rodzina to grupa osób, które wzajemnie na siebie oddziaływają. Pozytywne relacje w rodzinie mają dodatni wpływ na kształtowanie się i dojrzewanie osobowości. Negatywne relacje, nawet jednego z członków rodziny, mają toksyczny wpływ na całą wspólnotę. W rodzinie dziecko uczy się wszystkich niezbędnych umiejętności, które pozwolą mu na prawidłowe funkcjonowanie w społeczeństwie. Im większa jest odpowiedzialność wychowawcza rodziców, tym dziecko ma bogatszą osobowość i lepszy start życiowy. Niestety granica pomiędzy rodziną „normalną” a rodziną mieszczącą w sobie początki patologii jest bardzo płynna. W momencie, kiedy rodzice przedkładają swoje przyjemności nad dobro dzieci z egoistycznych pobudek, kiedy alkohol, wyjazdy, praca zawodowa czy przyjaciele stają się ważniejsi niż własne dzieci, granica ta staje się bardzo widoczna. Uważa się również, że w przypadku rodziny zaburzonej i zdemoralizowanej nie jest możliwe prawidłowe kształtowanie osobowości. Osoby, które obawiają się rozwinięcia u siebie uzależnienia od narkotyków czy alkoholu często starają się znaleźć u siebie cechy, które mogą charakteryzować osobowość nałogową. Chcą wiedzieć, na co powinni zwrócić uwagę, aby uwolnić się od etykietki osoby uzależnionej bądź szukają powodu, by nigdy nie sięgnąć po substancje psychoaktywne. Nie ma wątpliwości, że czynniki genetyczne mają wpływ na ryzyko wystąpienia uzależnienia. Jak wykazano w wielu badaniach, posiadanie bliskiego członka rodziny, który zmaga się z nałogiem, może zwiększać szansę na rozwinięcie uzależnienia. Zgodnie z przeprowadzonymi badaniami, niektóre fragmenty ludzkiego genomu zostały zidentyfikowane jako mające bezpośredni związek z określonymi rodzajami uzależnienia. Dzięki tej wiedzy w przyszłości możliwe będzie dokładniejsze określenie prawdopodobieństwa rozwinięcia nałogu u danej osoby. Mimo to istnienie pewnego potencjału genetycznego nie stanowi jedynej i bezpośredniej przyczyny rozwoju uzależnienia. Ważną rolę odgrywają tu również inne złożone czynniki środowiskowe. Oprócz podłoża genetycznego, kolejną indywidualną cechą, która może odpowiadać za podwyższone ryzyko uzależnienia, jest wcześniejsze występowanie zaburzeń psychicznych. Ludzie zmagający się z różnymi zaburzeniami psychicznymi mogą częściej nadużywać i uzależniać się od substancji szkodliwych.

14

Postawy rodziców i opiekunów wobec zażywania środków uzależniających przez młodych pacjentów poradni odwykowych

51%

Zakrzewski P.

Archiwum Kryminologii

|

1991

|

issue XVII

339-373

EN

The paper presents the finding of a longitudinal study of two problems: the addicts’ prospects of quitting drugs, and the psycho-social factors conducive to success in this respect. The first study (conducted in the years 1974–1976) concerned all patients aged 15–28 treated in that period for repeated taking of drugs, at the disaccustoming clinic for young persons and at district clinics for adults in the city of Łódź. The total of 107 patients were examined (23 per cent of girls and 77 per cent of young men). According to medical diagnosis, 21 per cent of them suffered from a social, 50 per cent – from a psychological, and 29 per cent – from a physical dependence. After about 10 years, a catamnesis was carried out which concerned 80 patients. The methods applied in both parts of the study were: detailed interviews with the patients and their families; medical examination; and analysis of a variety of documents. For the estimation of the fates of the sample, the following issues were of the key importance: persistence in or abandonment of addiction; permanence of abstinence; and the extent of self-dependence achieved. This complexity of the examined persons’ situation taken into account, the following criteria of improvement have been adopted: a) medical (persistence in abstinence); b) psychological (psychological acceptance of abstinence and the resulting change of lifestyle); and c) social (active engagement in the appropriate social roles). Basing on the above criteria, the following categories were distinguished within the sample:1) persons who persisted in addiction; 2) deceased in consequence of addiction; 3) those who quit taking drugs but still had various problems resulting from their former addiction; and 4) those who quit and had no special problems. Against previous expectations, persons who kept taking drugs (26 per cent) did not constitute the mos tnumerous group. Their mean period of taking drugs was 13.6 years. Their interests and social contacts were narrowed to problems related to the taking and production or obtaining drugs. They were generally emaciated and had increasing withdrawal symptoms. Persons of this group went through several months’periods of abstinence due to treatment, imprisonment, or a favourable occurrence in their lives. All of them, however, relapsed into addiction quite promptly, particularly when faced with unavoidable difficulties. Family life or married persons in this group was unhappy, and most marriages broke up: only those between two addicts still lasted. Biographies similar to those discussed above were also found in the case of persons (9 per cent) who died during catamnesis in circumstances that pointed to their death’s relationship with the taking of drugs and with addiction, interpreted also as a certain lifestyle. All persons of this group had been taking drugs for a long time (over five years), and their death was due either to serious diseases combined with emaciation, or occurred in unexplained circumstances as a border-line case between accident, suicide, and homicide. 3.The largest group (46 per cent) consisted of persons who admittedly quit taking drugs but still had various health and social problems related to their previous addiction. Their main problems were as follows: in the sphere of physical health, chronic gastritis, entero-gastric disorders. diseases of liver, heart probiems, reduced physical endurance, disturbances of sleep, and in the sphere of mental health: anxiety, hypersensibility, difficulties in establishing relations with others, depression, low selfesteem, lack of self-confidence, high emotional instability, latent inward anxiety, etc. The most important and frequent social problems included leaving secondary school and the related subsequent lack of professional qualifications, a more difficult start into adult life, the need to relinquish certain professional aspirations and a more interesting job, and a lack of prospects of promotion. In most respondents, this caused a sense of instability and inevitably gave rise to frustrations, increasing their passiveness and apathy. This situation was particularly painful for persons whose intellligence had been rather high before they started taking drugs and who used to have various interests and aspirations. The coincidence of the ahove circumstances also negatively affected their family and marital situation. The fates of persons who quit after several years of taking drugs seem to indicate that those persons’ tolerance to stress and ability to overcome difficulties had been greatly impaired during the period of addiction: as a consequence, they were subsequently unable to cope even with everyday matters which they perceived as great problems. The last group consisted of persons (19 per cent) who had been taking drugs for a shorter period as a rule (not longer than five years in general), and who were not only able to persist in abstinence during catamnesis but also met the psychological and social criteria of improvement. A high proportion of girls in this group (over 50 per cent) seems characteristic. Moreover, nearly all those persons were married: their marriages, happy as a rule, were a great assistance to them. Therefore, the total of 65 per cent of the sample succeeded to quit addiction. What was crucial here was not exactly the form of dependence (social, psychological, physical) but rather the length of the period of taking drugs. If a person has been taking drugs for over five years, his prospects of improvement diminish greatly, and favourable results can only be obtained in the course of a prolonged rehabilitation. The reasons that made most persons in the sample abandon their addiction were seeked both in their personality traits and family environments. What is characteristic is that a considerable portion of respondents come from the intelligentsia, with an average or even high social status and good material situation (in which respect they differ greatly from e.g. juvenile delinquents or young alcoholics). There is in such families a rather small extent of pathology such as alcoholism, crime, or prostitution. In most cases, the parents’ attitude to their children’s taking of drugs should be estimated as proper. The parents played an effective role, fighting for their children to quit as a general rule. Aware of the dangers related to drugs, they took energetic steps which consisted among others in changing the child’s environment (e. g. moving with him to another town), inducing him to undergo treatment and organizing that treatment, supervising his leisure activities, etc. Parents’ improper attitudes such as scenes, turning the child out, etc., were most seldom. The analysis of the reasons which made about two-thirds of respondents quit addiction included their character and intellectual traits defined in the course of psychiatric examination. There was in the sample a rather large number of individuals with the so-called immature personality, who at the age of about 25 were still characterized by traits such as a passive attitude to life; inconsideration for their own future; a poorly developed critical attitude towards themselves and their situation; emotional immaturity; dependence on others (e.g. the mother or friends); inabitity to act effectively, to overcome obstacles and to achieve distant aims; easy discouragement when faced with difficulties, etc. It was only during catamnesis, at the age of about 25, that the respondents’ former, largely childish attitudes were transformed with delay into normal traits of young persons. This development and the crystallization of personality, connected with the parents’ activities and their proper attitude towards the children’s addiction, were conducive to abandonment of addiction by, a considerable portion of the sample. Other factors which played this favourable role in the respondents’ biographies were: a rather high intellectual level; the “psychological shock” caused e.g. by detoxification at a mental hospital or the death of a close friend due to overdose; and imprisonment and going through the withdrawal syndrome in such conditions, etc. To interpret the findings, the conception of American alcohologist J. Ewing has been used: it speaks of inducing and protecting factors in the development of alcoholism. According to Ewing, an individual who starts taking drugs regularly is influenced by a number of biological, psychological, and social factors, some of them conducive to the development of addiction and others protecting the individual against it. Despite the opinions of some researchers, “protecting” factors prove strong enough to hold back even an already addicted person and to contribute to his abandonment of drugs. With the prolongation of the period of taking drugs, the influence of protecting factors wanes, and that of the ones which induce the individual to continue the taking of drugs and thus foster a further development of addiction spreads. The following practical conclusions have been drawn from the study: – Intensified therapeutic and rehabilitative treatment, during the first years of taking drugs in particular. – Co-operation with the addicts’ parents who should be instructed (e.g. about the ways of soothing difficulties in adjustment); whose activity should be assisted, e.g. through the organization of parents’ self-help associations; whose contacts with specialist clinics should be made easier, etc. – Creation of possibilities of medical and rehabilitative treatment for various cotegories of young persons addicted to drugs (not all of them feel comfortable in the existing centres, e.g. of the MONAR movement). – Short-term hospital treatments are reasonable at the initial stage of addiction (several years of taking drugs), as in that period the addicted person’s power of resistance can be strengthened inherent both in his personality and the environment. Help and care should be provided for addicts who have already drugs but have life problems caused or aggravaquited by their previous addiction.

15

Narkomania jako zjawisko społeczne- historia problemu w Polsce

41%

Bielewicz A.

Archiwum Kryminologii

|

1988

|

issue XV

251-286

EN

The phenomenon of drug addiction has been known in Poland for at least several dozen years. In the period of the second Republic, it was not a major social problem. In 1933, the total of 295 addicts were hospitalized in Poland. According to pre-war researchers, the number of drug addicts could be estimated at over 5 thousand persons in the early 1930s. The pre-war addicts took first of all classic drugs: morphine, heroin, and cocaine. Also codeine, Somniphrene and Pantopon were rather frequently taken. Less frequent was the use of hashish, mescaline and peyotl. Headache wafers played the part of substitutes. According to the data of the health service and the Warsaw public prosecutor's office, about three – fourth of drug addicts were men. Most addicts were in their thirties; hardly any could be found among the youth, as far as morphinism is concerned in particular. This type of addiction could be found nearly exclusively among persons aged over 30. The situation shaped ,somewhat differently as regards codeine addicts: also younger persons. could be found in this group. In the socio professional structure of addicts included in the files of the Warsaw public prosecutor's office, clerks prevailed; their percentage amounting to 30. The second most numerous group were craftsmen and tradesmen-,13 per cent, and the third on -representatives of medical professions (chemists, doctors, surgeon, assistants, nurses, midwifes) of whom there were 9 per cent. The percentage of workers was 2, of prostitutes-5, and artists-4. In the opinion of the most of the pre-war researchers, the above socio-professional structure is distorted. According to them, drug-addiction was much more widespread among officers (of the air force and navy in particular), artists, writers and journalists. As regards religion, pre-war addicts constituted as varied a mosaic as the entire society in those days. There were among them representatives of all of the most numerous religious groups then found in Poland. Roman Catholics were most, and members of the orthodox church-least :susceptible to drug addiction. The pre-war researchers of drug addiction devoted a lot of attention to the problem of etiology of this ,,social disease'' Some of them stressed above all the medical-others-the economic and political, and still others - the cultural or those related to civilization causes. There were also conceptions that laid particular emphasis on physiology and biochemistry of the human body. The evolution of drug addiction in the post-war forty years may be divided into four stages. The first of them lasted till about mid-1960s. The extent of the phenomenon was then limited, with the average of about 400 persons treated in out-patient clinics, and about 150 -in psychiatric hospitals. Also the police statistics point to small sizes of this phenomenon. In 1967, as few as 9 offences directly related to drug addiction were recorded in Poland. Drug addicts of those days descended from rather specific circles. They were mostly representatives of medical professions, that is persons with a relatively easy access to drugs. Over 90 per cent of all morphine addicts were employees of the health service. Drugs taken most frequently were the classical ones;(morphine, cocaine), tranquilizers (Glimid, Tardyl) and stimulants (amphetamines). In thest period, one could hardly speak of drug addiction as a subcultural phenomenon. It was mainly a medical problem. The majority of the drug taking persons were those already dependent. The addicts of those days formed no close groups sharing a given ideology, specific symbols or language. The taking of narcotic drugs was not a social but an individual behaviour in most cases. The second stage are the late 1960s and the early 1970s. In that period, a rapid growth in the extent of drug addiction can be noticed. In the years 1969-1973, the number of patients treated because of drug addiction in out-patient psychiatric clinics was quintupled, and in psychiatric hospitals, tripled. In 1972, there were about 3,150 patients treated in psychiatric clinics, and about 600 in psychiatric hospitals. Also the number of offences directly related to drug addiction grew rapidly. While in 1967 there was not a single instance of unauthorized giving of narcotic drug (art. 161 of the Penal Code) or of forging prescriptions (art. 265 § 1 of the Penal Code), 105 and 417 such acts respectively were recorded five years later. In 1971, over 3,000 persons "taking narcotic drugs" were registered in the police files. As found in a sociological study carried out in 1972 among students of all grammar, vocational and elementary vocational schools in Gdańsk, Sopot and Gdynia, 8.3 per cent of the respondents had contacts with narcotic drugs. In the case of about 45 per cent of this group, these contacts were occasional. According to the authors of the study, this percentage is the "minimum frequency of occurence" of drug taking "in the population of school youth in Gdansk, Gdynia and Sopot.'' In this early 1970s, the number of persons in danger of becoming addicts (i.e. those who took drugs regularly) and those already dependent was estimated at about 30 thousand. In the discussed period, also the character of addiction underwent changes: it became a subcultural phenomenon. The base on which it developed were the youth contestation movements which emerged in Poland as well. Addiction was given a cultural dimension by the ideology of the hippie movement. Taking drugs ceased to be an individual behaviour and became a social one which expressed certain attitudes and symbolized the affiliation to a given subculture. The young who took drugs formed smaller or bigger groups with strong internal bonds and a great sense of solidarity. They used specific symbols (way of dressing, recognition signals, rich repertoire of gestures, aliases, etc.) and quite a rich language (characteristic names of drugs and activities related to their taking). The very taking of drugs was acompanied by more or less developed rituals (narcotic coctails, seances, etc.). In that period - and later on as well -the phenomenon of drug addiction was concentrated among the youth and in highly urbanized and industrialized regions. In 1972, nearly 75 per cent of persons hospitalized for the first time were those aged under 25, and over 60 per cent-under 29. In 1970, over 90 per cent of addicts treated in hospitals lived in towns. The limited drug marked. caused the youth to resort to substitutes on the unpracedented scale. In those years, general use of such substances as trichloroethylene, Ixi (washing powder), Butaprene (glus), ether, benzene, solvents and others started. Yet the major typ of addiction still remaind that to opium and its derivates, particularly in men, and to sleeping-draught and tranquilizers in women. The third stage in the evolution of drug addiction are the years 1973-1976. In that period, a nearly 27 per cent decrease in the total of patients of psychiatric clinics, and a 40 per cent one in the case of those treated for the first time could be noticed. The morbidity index went down from 3.5 to 2.0. A similar trend, though less dynamic one, concerned also hospital service. In an attempt at explaining this phenomenon, three factors should be mentioned. Firstly, the early 1970s are the period when youth movements started to die out. Also a relative social peace reigned in those years, which caused drug addiction lose its socio-cultural base. Secondly, the medical authorities introduced a number of limitations in the accessibility of drugs in that period. Thirdly, repressive action of the police also influenced this tendency to a high degree. The prosecution agencies not only increased their efficiency greatly, but also acquired a much better knowledge of the addicts circles. These actions however proved insufficient to fully control addiction. The fourth stage in the evolution of addiction started in the late 1970s. In the years 1977-1984, the number of patients treated in out-patient clinics increased twice over, and that of hospitalized persons - five times over. The indicates of dissemination and morbidity grew rapidly. Beginning from mid-1970s, the number of persons registered in the police files grew nearly two and a half times over. Also the number of deaths due to over dosage went up from year to year. In 1978, 18 such cases were recorded, with the number amounting to as many as 117 in 1986. The number of offences directly related to drug addiction went up from 1,093 in 1978 to 3,014 in 1983. The number of persons taking narcotic drugs was estimated at about 500-800 thousand in 1983; that of persons in danger of becoming addicts - at 99-95 thousand, and of actual addicts - about 40 thousand. Such is the minimum spread of the discussed phenomenon. The unprecedented dissemination of drug addiction may be attributed to the emergence of two factors of which one is technological, and the other one psycho-social. In mid-1970s, the technology of production of a strong drug from poppy was worked out in Poland, which resulted in a great amount of strong narcotics appearing on the market. on the other hand, crisis started to accumulate in Poland in mid-1970s, which resulted in a growing frustration among the youth. The concurrence of these two factors brought about the explosion of drug addiction.

16

Koncepcje przeciwdziałania alkoholizmowi i narkomanii w Polsce okresu międzywojennego

41%

Nelken J.

Archiwum Kryminologii

|

1987

|

issue XIV

201-225

EN

The birth of the independent Poland in 1918 activated a social movement against alcoholism and drug addiction. In 1919, the Polish Society for Fighting Alcoholism ,,Trzeźwość'' ("Sobriety'') was established which operated nationwide and which in the period between the two wars became the main factor of fighting alcoholism. In the light of the Statute of "Trzeźwość" and resolutions of the Polish anti-alcoholic congresses, as well as the postulates of psychiatrists, the ideas of how to fight alcoholism included three spheres: a. anti-alcoholic legislation and its practical enforcement; b. anti-alcoholic propaganda and education; c. treatment of alcoholics. In 1919, a draft was submitted to the Diet that proposed a total prohibition of production and sale of alcoholic beverages. It was referred to a Diet commission which subsequently changed its contents. Then. The Diet passed an Act of 23 April 1920 on restrictions in sale of alcoholic beverages. The Act, based on a concept of partial prohibition. Introduced considerable restrictions in sale of beverages containing over 2.5 per cent of pure alcohol, and a total prohibition of sale of beverages with over 45 per cent alcohol. Moreover, the sale of alcohol was prohibited to workers on paydays and holidays, as well as at markets, fairs, church fairs, pilgrimages, on trains and at railway stations. According to the Act, each rural or urban commune could introduce on its territory a total prohibition of sale of alcoholic beverages by voting. The Act limited the number of places where alcohol could be sold or served to one per 2,500 of the population all over the country. A licence issued by administrative authorities was required to sell or serve alcohol. The statutory instrument to this Act created commissions for fighting alcoholism of the 1st and 2nd instances which were to supervise the compliance to the Act of 1920 and to impose penalties provided for the infringement of its provisions. The commissions consisted of representatives of the State administration and social organizations engaged in fighting alcoholism. Moreover, the Act of 2l January 1922 introduced a penalty of fine or arrest for being drunk in public. A person who brought another person to the state of intoxication was also liable to these penalties. The complete execution of the anti-alcoholic Act met with obstacles: for instance, alcohol was secretly served on the days of prohibition (e.g. during fairs). The Act of 31 July 1924 established the Polish Spirit Monopoly (P.M.S.). The production of spirit and pure vodka thus became a State monopoly' Production and sale of the P.M.S. beverages increased gradually as it constituted an important source of the State revenue. For this reason. a new anti-alcoholic Act of 21 March 1931 was passed which greatly reduced the restrictions in the sale of alcohol as compared with former regulations. A further reduction in these restrictions resulted from Acts of 1932 and 1934. The P.M.S. Board of Directors argued that a growth in production was necessary to suppress illegal distilling of alcohol the products of which were imperfectly rectified and threatened the health of the population. Instead according to the conception of "Trzeźwość’’ and other social organizations engaged in fighting alcoholism. illegal distilling of alcohol should be detected and suppresed by the police while it was in the interest of the health and morals of the population to curtail greatly the sale of alcohol and for this reason it was necessary to reintroduce the anti-alcoholic Act of 1920 However, in consideration of the State's fiscal interests. the Act was not reintroduced and the other Acts that extended the production and sale of the P.M.S. products were only replaced after World War II. According to the ideas of ,,Trzeźwość'' and other organizations fighting alcoholism, anti-alcoholic propaganda and education should be made by professionals and have a wide range, since it is impossible to fight alcoholism without informing the population of the harmful effects of alcohol. Guidelines for this activity were worked out at the Polish anti-alcoholic congresses of which there were seven in the period between the wars. Besides, in 1937 the 21st International Anti-Alcoholic Congress took place in Warsaw during which the Polish draft of an international anti-alcoholic convention was Supported. The draft provided a considerable limitation of alcohol sale, a regulation of penal liability for offences and transgressions committed in the state of intoxication, and lectures on alcohology in schools. The states signatories to the convention would be called upon to pass acts consistent with the content of the convention. The work on this draft was stopped by the outbreak of the war. The resolutions of the Polish anti-alcoholic congresses demanded lectures on alcohology in all types of schools, at teachers courses and at specialist courses for employees of various departments, the Ministry in of Communication particular. The range of alcohology taught at schools should be conformed to the type of school and the general knowledge or students. The postulate of teaching alcohology in schools was partly realized and courses were organized for railway employees by the Abstainer Railwaymen League. At the State School of Hygiene in Warsaw a several days course in alcohology was organized every year in which 200--300 persons participated, mainly teachers, physicians and clergymen of various denominations. Besides, ,,Trzeźwość'' organized travelling exhibitions that made tours of towns to show the harmful effects of alcoholism. The Abstainer Railwaymen League organized, an exhibition in a railway carriage which was visited by many thousands of persons at railway stations in different parts of the country. A lecturer on alcohology was employed to have talks during the exhibition. In early February every year a nationwide Sobriety Propagation Week was organized. Various publications were also brought out which demonstrated the harmful effects of alcohol and the ways of fighting alcoholism, both scientific and those for general use. Treatment of alcoholics was postulated; it was carried out in closed hospital wards or in out-patient clinics. The former was more effective; however it was less frequently applied as compared with the out-patient treatment since there were no provisions which would legalize compulsory treatment of alcoholics and drug addicts and it was easier to obtain the patient's consent to treatment in a clinic than in a hospital. Compulsory treatment was only possible if the court applied medical security measures in cases of offences connected with abuse of alcohol or drugs. (Art. 82 of the Penal code of 1932). The mental hygiene, movement, initiated in Poland in the early thirties, resulted in a growth in the number of clinics engaged in prevention and treatment, that is in a development of treatment of alcoholics in specialized anti-alcoholic clinics. The necessity of taking the children of alcoholics under educational and medical indicated. An important part is this field fell to social nurses attached to the clinics whose task was among other things to bring the alcoholics children to the clinic and see to their medical treatment if necessary. The organization of special schools for mentally deficient and morally neglected children, whose parents were frequently alcoholics, was also initiated. Psychiatrists demanded an elaboration and introduction of an act on compulsory treatment of alcoholics and drug addicts, organization of special wards for notorious alcoholics in mental hospitals, prolongation of treatment from 6 to 12 months (which was considered particularly necessary in the case of chronic alcoholism), a joint alcoholism and psychiatric treatment if required, in the case of alcohol psychosis in particular, and check-up of the cured alcoholics and drug addicts. In Poland drug addiction has never reached the proportions of alcoholism. Its most frequent forms were morphinism and cocainism. Its fighting was facilitated by the passing of an Act of June 23, 1923 which prohibited production, processing, export. import. storage of and any trade in all drugs. For infringement of the Act, penalties of fine and up to 5 years deprivation of liberty were provided. However, there was no act to legalize compulsory treatment of drug addicts. They could only be treated in closed hospital wards since in the case of drug addiction, out-patient treatment was considered to be ineffective. In 1931, the Polish Committee for Drugs and Prevention of Drug Addiction was set up as, an advisory body attached to the Minister of Health and Social Welfare, which consisted mainly of physicians and chemists. In order to fight drug addiction effectively, increased detection of export and sale of drugs was postulated as well as supervision of prescriptions and of obtaining drugs on prescription at chemist's. Chemists were compelled to keep a special book of in- and out-goings of drugs which could only be sold on prescription for therapeutical purposes. Attenton was drawn to the necessity of an instruction, to be passed by the Minister of Internal Affairs, according to which the production of doctors seals and forms would only be possible on presentation of the identity card, since drug addicts used to order seals and forms bearing names of famous practitioners. Medical check-up of released prisoners who had been cured of drug addiction when serving their sentences was also postulated. In consequence of the spread of ether drinking in the Upper Silesia in 1936, a wide-range operation was carried out which consisted in a vigorous fight against smuggling and sale of ether (which was mainly smuggled from Germany) and in informing the population as to the harmful effects of ether drinking.

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