Zamenhof was one of the few thinkers who noticed the impossibility of a just dispensation between ethnicities and religions in the Russian Empire. He aspired to present a social system where national actions could run in the most natural way and where no one has the right to rule on behalf of the nation. In Zamenhof ’s opinion multiculturalism composed of different ethnical groups inhabiting the same territory is a social phenomenon just as a class system. However, if class system relates to social antagonisms in the matter of possession, then ethnicity is the most important element of segmentation where neither ownership, class nor political criteria are distinctive as ethnicity is a natural and culturally established social bond. Zamenhof rejected all political Jewish programs of his age and created his own program called Hillelism (which was directed at Jews and which he later abandoned) which after modification was renamed as Humanitarianism. Precisely this proposition has many common characteristics with multiculturalism avant la letter.
The research task of the essay is to answer the question of what is the face of the nation in the ethnic enclaves situated at the peripheries of national states. The subject of the analyses is the local population of the village Jaworzynka. In 1922, the settlement Herczawa was founded as a local unit independent from Jaworzynka. Since then Herczawa began to belong to Czechoslovakia. The state-owned status of Jaworzynka, which started to be a part of the Republic of Poland, was recognized after the World War I. The author takes into account the longue durre of folk and national culture generated in the Silesian Beskidy in the second half of the 18th century. The national culture is the main term applied to the investigations of the borderland regions. According to the ethno-symbolic approaches (Anthony D. Smith) and culturalism methods in sociology (Antonina Kłoskowska), the author analyses in his research: 1) language, 2) religion, 3) folkways and mores 4) arts, 5) local knowledge and literature. These elements delineate the sphere of symbolic culture. Based on the common folk culture, two national cultures have been formed nowadays – the Polish and Czech ones. Both Polish and Czech Census Bureau data and objective elements of national culture discussed in the essay indicate the process of national revival. The local people of Jaworzynka identify themselves as Poles and the population of Herczawa define themselves as Czechs. The content and the form of the local culture are visible in Jaworzyna, but they seem to be latent or diminishing in Herczawa.
The emergence of the notion “conservative revolution” in Polish scientific literature as well as in the public debate leads to a comparison with the conservative revolution in the Republic of Weimar. The representatives of this German intellectual movement in the inter-war period induced ideological climate, which favoured the rise of fascism. Therefore, an analysis of the ideas of the representatives of Polish conservatism may be helpful in seeking an answer to the question why and to what extent Polish rightwing “revolutionaries“ draw inspiration from the German conservative ideology. This also includes the question about the responsibility for the political state of Poland and of Europe.
Due to historical reasons, the process of acquiring national identity by the peasants began relatively late. This process, for various reasons, was based on three models of education: formal, informal and non-formal. Schools emerging in the Polish territories were usually associated with the activities of the partitioner, moreover, it often met with distrust of a village quite closed in this respect. The People’s Movement complemented this formal education with performative activities, such as celebrating national holidays, which would give illiterate peasants the opportunity to participate in the acquisition of national identity. Another important part of this process was spontaneous non-formal education, i.e., peasant activity expressed in the acquisition of reading skills, which became the basis for building a national identity. In my text I discuss the process of acquiring national identity by peasants on the example of three models of education: formal, informal and non-formal.
The king’s two bodies and political nation. Formation of peasants’ identity in the nation-building contextIn the 16th century, the political system based on the grangeserfdom economy and early modern elective monarchy was formed in Poland. One of the consequences of this process was an expulsion of the peasants outside of the society. The other one led to the formation of a political nation (a Pole) defined by his attitude towards king, freedom and noble democracy. Therefore, the peasants had no right to be a part of so understood “Polish” nation. The process of peasants inclusion into the tissue of the nation did not start until the late 19th century. In my article, I examine how the Polish nation developed in the context of the political theory of the king’s two bodies (Ernest Kantorowicz). Furthermore, I analyze the peasants’ attitude to the issue of a nation in the context of social changes of that period. Dwa ciała króla i naród polityczny. Kształtowanie się tożsamości chłopskiej w kontekście procesów narodowotwórczychW XVI wieku w Polsce ukształtował się system polityczny gospodarki opartej na pańszczyźnie oraz nowożytna monarchia elekcyjna. Pierwszy proces doprowadził do wyrzucenia poza margines społeczny warstwy chłopskiej. Drugi do wytworzenia się narodu politycznego (Polaka), definiowanego przez jego stosunek do króla, wolności i szlacheckiej demokracji. Chłopi nie mieli więc prawa być częścią tak rozumianego narodu „polskiego”. Proces włączenia się chłopów w tkankę narodu rozpoczął się tak naprawdę dopiero pod koniec XIX wieku. W swoim tekście badam, jak kształtowało się pojęcie narodu polskiego w kontekście teorii politycznej dwóch ciał króla (Ernest Kantorowicz). Ponadto analizuję stosunek chłopów do kwestii narodowej na tle ogólnych społecznych zmian.
The politics of nationalism in the Polish-German borderlandThe review discusses the book by John D. Kulczycki on the politics of national homogenization in the Third Reich and in post-war Poland in the Polish-German borderlands. Kulczycki’s book presents a comprehensive and well-structured analysis of the nationalising policies in the entire Polish-German borderland. Referring to the rich literature and primary sources, the author examines the main tenets of the Third Reich and Poland’s post-war politics, their local implementation and the similarities and differences between policies in various regions. It is argued that is a very successful and valuable syn- thesis. The great merit of the book is that it is based on clear and solid theoretical premises. Polityka nacjonalizacji na pograniczu polsko-niemieckimRecenzja omawia książkę Johna D. Kulczyckiego dotyczącą polityki narodowej homogenizacji prowadzoną przez III Rzeszę oraz powojenną Polskę na pograniczu polsko-niemieckim. Książka Kulczyckiego przedstawia całościową i uporządkowaną analizę tej polityki nacjonalizacji. Nawiązując do bogatej literatury i źródeł, autor analizuje główne założenia powojennej polityki III Rzeszy, a także powojennej Polski, ich lokalną realizację oraz podobieństwa i różnice między politykami w różnych regionach. Jest to bardzo udana i wartościowa synteza. Wielką zaletą książki jest to, że opiera się na jasnych i solidnych przesłankach teoretycznych.
The formation of the idea of the nation in the Slovene lands – an outline of selected problemsThe paper summarises the most significant phases of formation of the Slovenian nation from the sixteenth century to the present. Special attention is paid to the analysis of historical sources and selected scientific studies. Kształtowanie się idei narodu na ziemiach słoweńskich – zarys wybranych problemów Artykuł podsumowuje najistotniejsze etapy kształtowania się narodu słoweńskiego począwszy od XVI wieku aż do czasów współczesnych. Szczególną uwagę poświęcono analizie źródeł historycznych i wybranych studiów naukowych.
Michał Pawlikowski (1887-1970) was a Polish essayist, poet, publisher, editor, and bibliophile. Since World War I, he was an activist of the National Democratic Party (later the National Party). After World War II, he settled in Great Britain, temporarily staying in Zakopane, Poland. Pawlikowski is the author of essays and journalism where he collected his philosophical views on nation and culture, as well as on civilization and race. He sought cause and effect relationships in the history of humanity as factors that shaped the contemporary world. In his opinion, the world is divided between two mutually antagonistic civilizations: Western and Eastern. Such a perspective of his thought has been inscribed in Polish wider reflection on the nation. It is close to messianic concepts that were held by Romantic thinkers and artists, while at the same time it contains tints of national megalomania. His writings can be termed controversial and are often characterized as being full of discrepancies, as well as simplifying a number of complex issues; in particular, in his opponents’ views Pawlikowski’s thought is too close to conspiracy theory of history. Alternatively Pawlikowski deserves recognition for his depictions of the man as a free human being who has a potential to make individual choices in accordance with ethical ideals and obligations towards the community.
Štefan Polakovič - slovak ideologue and theoretician of the nationŠtefan Polakowice is a leading representative of the philosophy of the people inSlovakia. The opinions of Š. Polakovič about the nation changed. In the early period of creativeness he characterized the nation in terms of the organism. In his late works he was examining the substance of the nation in terms of atomism and moderate individualism. The fundamental metaphysical thesis about the existence of the nation is the one that the nation, just like a man, is a creation of God. Hence, the nation has the tasks to be accomplished designated by God. It is the duty of creative members of the nation to recognize the will of God in relation to the nation. Š. Polakovič in connection with the diversity concept of the nation recognized the need for existence of philosophical science of the nation - nationology. Nationology is to examine fundamental issues metaphysical, epistemological and axiological of the nation as being incomparable with any other object. Štefan Polakovič - słowacki ideolog i teoretyk naroduŠtefan Polakovič jest czołowym przedstawicielem filozofii narodu na Słowacji. Poglądy Š. Polakovicia na naród zmieniały się. We wczesnym okresie twórczości naród charakteryzował on w kategoriach organizmu. W późnej twórczości analizował istotę narodu w kategoriach atomizmu i umiarkowanego indywidualizmu. Zasadniczą tezą metafizyczną dotyczącą istnienia narodu jest twierdzenie, że naród, tak jak człowiek, jest tworem Boga. Stąd też naród ma zadania do zrealizowania, wyznaczone mu przez Boga. Obowiązkiem twórczych członków narodu jest rozpoznanie woli Boga w stosunku do narodu. Š. Polakovič w związku z różnorodnością koncepcji narodu uznał, że konieczna jest filozoficzna nauka o narodzie – nacjologia. Nacjologia ma badać fundamentalne zagadnienia metafizyczne, epistemologiczne i aksjologiczne narodu, jako bytu nieporównywalnego z żadnym innym obiektem.
The multi-ethnicity in Europe was shaped long time in the history, her image influenced the relations between countries and was often a source of international and internal conflicts. For this purpose, the international efforts have been made, which regulate the status of minorities in Europe and the world. Protective systems for national minorities were formed at different levels of policy; the global solutions of general and declarative nature, regional solutions, characterized by a greater degree of institutionalization, and national solutions with control mechanisms of functioning. These regulations, concerning minority policy in Europe, formulated in many international instruments, are declarative and facultative. Even within the European Union, there is generally no binding legal rights, which formulate protection of minorities. States are sovereign and the principle of the sovereignty determines the protection- policy of minorities living on their territories.
PL
Wieloetniczność w Europie kształtowana była przez kilka stuleci, zaś jej wizerunek rzutował na stosunki między poszczególnymi krajami, był źródłem międzynarodowych oraz wewnętrznych napięć i konfliktów. W tym celu na arenie międzynarodowej podjęte zostały starania, które mają na celu uregulowanie statusu mniejszości w Europie i na świecie. Systemy ochronne dla mniejszości narodowych ukształtowane zostały na różnych płaszczyznach politycznych, od rozwiązań globalnych mających charakter ogólnikowy i deklaratywny, po rozwiązania regionalne, charakteryzujące się większym stopniem instytucjonalizacji, i narodowe z funkcjonującymi mechanizmami kontroli. Wymienione uregulowania dotyczące polityki mniejszościowej w Europie, sformułowane w wielu międzynarodowych aktach prawnych, mają charakter fakultatywno‑deklaratywny i w tym sensie nie zobowiązują państw do ich przestrzegania. Nawet w ramach Unii Europejskiej nie ma zasadniczo wiążących praw formułujących ochronę mniejszości narodowych. Państwa są suwerenne i to właśnie zasada suwerenności determinuje ich dobrą bądź złą wolę w zakresie ochrony mniejszości zamieszkujących ich terytorium.
Introductory CommentsThe fifth yearly volume of the Colloquia Humanistica comprises a thematic section on Nation, Natsiya, Ethnie. The subject it discusses has thus far received little attention as a research problem in the Slavia Orthodoxa, the Slavia Romana, the Balkans but also in Central and Eastern Europe. Uwagi wstępnePiąty numer rocznika "Colloquia Humanistica" przedstawia dział tematyczny, poświęcony kategoriom narodu, nacji i etni. Temat ten, w takiej perspektywie, którą proponujemy, nie spotkał się dotąd z należytym namysłem badawczym w sferze Slavia Otrhodoxa, Slavia Romana i na Bałkanach, jak też w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej.
The phenomenon of American nationalism dates back to the pioneer times of the Pilgrims and Founding Fathers who established first social and political relations creating origins of a future developed country. Throughout the past centuries the term “nationalism” from an American perspective was tangled to various definitions and sometimes official politics of the state. American nationalism was first represented by faithful Protestant settlers who believed strongly in a God’s destined society. Based on that the first definition was coined by John Winthrop in his poem “City upon a hill” – idea of a land deprived of evil in all of its emanations, which is not distant and obeys the will of an Absolute. One of the Founding Fathers – Thomas Paine in his Common Sense developed Winthrop’s idea and presented Americans as people with unlimited abilities. American writers and first colonists believed in a Biblical promised land that offered them unlimited abilities of self-growth. This strength of a self consciousness paved a way to a scientific term of super-patriotism. Coined by Michael Parenti, this term encompasses both democratic ideas of Alexis de Tocqueville and vision of a self-made man, who is the organizer of American statehood. American nationalism is also a derivative of ideology of americacentrism with its roots in the 19th century concept of Manifest Destiny proclaiming a nation that is endowed with an eternal right to secure the world for democracy. This idea has been a long term debate in American political and social life as United States became more and more involved in international affairs since the beginning of 20th century. In sum, the idea of American nationalism is the result of American melting-pot of religious, cultural and specific historical circumstances that built this nation.
Demographic problems and their consequences have been analyzed in many different ways, from different points of view. Their conditions and mutual relations have been taken into account as well, even though the interest in population problems in capitalist societies results from the fairly prosaic reasons. Dealing with them means increasing costs. Under certain conditions, however, non-economic benefits can, or at least should, become more important than economic losses. The case of Wales seems to confirm this thesis. The basis for a prosperous and strong nation is its proper demographic condition invaluable from the perspective of competing with other nation – in this case with English one. The purpose of this article is to present the demographic situation of Wales, identify the most important of its demographic problems, as well as the actions taken by the Welsh Government in this regard.
PL
Problemy demograficzne i ich konsekwencje analizowane były do tej pory na wiele różnych sposobów i przy uwzględnieniu różnych punktów widzenia. Badano ich wzajemne relacje i uwarunkowania, mimo iż zainteresowanie problemami demograficznymi w społeczeństwach kapitalistycznych wynikało i nadal wynika z dość prozaicznych powodów. Radzenie sobie z nimi wymaga bowiem ponoszenia coraz to większych kosztów. W określonych warunkach jednak pozaekonomiczne korzyści mogą, a przynajmniej powinny, stać się ważniejsze od gospodarczych strat. Przypadek tytułowej Walii zdaje się potwierdzać tą tezę. Podstawą dobrze prosperującego i silnego narodu jest jego odpowiednia kondycja demograficzna, bezcenna z perspektywy rywalizacji z innym narodem. Celem artykułu jest zaprezentowanie sytuacji demograficznej Walii, zidentyfikowanie najważniejszych jej problemów demograficznych, a także wskazanie działań podejmowanych przez rząd walijski w tym zakresie.
The specifics of Polish Romantic Reflection on race and cognate notionsThe one and basic characteristic feature of Polish Romantic reflection on race was that it associated race with tribeness. Such a reduction of the notion ‘race’ to ethnicity resulted from the then known definition of nation as a multiethnic and multicultural community which constituted the superior and the superb form of organizing the societal world, as well as from weakness of scholarly reflection in the field of physical anthropology. For Polish Romantics, race was not an objective category that on the basis of exiting physical differences enabled a division of humanity into permanent and clearly delimitated phonotypical populations. Race was identified with tribeness and related to a long gone past when the human kind merely created primitive social ties based on kinship of blood. However, what is really binding people is not biological criteria but spiritual semblance: communion of thought, feelings, and purpose. Color of skin or shape of skull do not determine a given populace’s brain capacities; in fact what counts only is cultural and civilization factors. For Romantics, in their thought a Eurocentric attitude dominated, although it was devoid of clearly racist connotations. Superior and inferior races, if existed at all, appeared only in the context of a level of development of civilization, that is, merely temporarily, because every race was able to achieve the level of the most developed races or even a higher one. Specyfika polskiej refleksji romantycznej nad rasą i pojęciami pokrewnymiSpecyfika polskiej refleksji romantycznej nad rasą miała jedną zasadniczą cechę – utożsamienie jej z plemiennością. Zredukowanie pojęcia rasy do etniczności wynikało z ówczesnej definicji narodu jako wspólnoty wieloetnicznej, wielokulturowej, która stanowiła nadrzędną, najdoskonalszą formę urządzenia świata społecznego, oraz ze słabości naukowej refleksji w zakresie antropologii fizycznej. Rasa nie była dla romantyków polskich kategorią obiektywną, pozwalającą według istniejących różnic fizycznych podzielić ludzkość na trwałe, ograniczone fenotypowo populacje. Utożsamiono ją z plemiennością i łączono z zamierzchłą przeszłością, gdy ludzkość tworzyła jedynie prymitywne związki społeczne oparte na pokrewieństwie krwi. Tymczasem ludzi zespala nie tyle kryterium biologiczne, co podobieństwo duchowe – wspólnota myśli, uczuć i celu. Kolor skóry czy kształt czaszki nie determinowały zdolności umysłowych populacji, a jedynie czynniki natury kulturowo-cywilizacyjnej. Postawa europocentryczna dominowała w ówczesnej myśli, ale bez konotacji stricte rasistowskich. Jeśli istniały rasy niższe i wyższe, to tylko w kontekście stopnia zaawansowania w rozwoju cywilizacyjnym, a zatem czasowo, gdyż każda z nich mogła dojść do poziomu tych najbardziej rozwiniętych, a nawet je przewyższyć.
Demographic aspects of self-determination of nation on the example of modern WalesDemographic problems and their consequences have been analyzed in many different ways, from different points of view. Their conditions and mutual relations have been taken into account as well, even though the interest in population problems in capitalist societies results from the fairly prosaic reasons. Dealing with them means increasing costs. Under certain conditions, however, non-economic benefits can, or at least should, become more important than economic losses. The case of Wales seems to confirm this thesis. The basis for a prosperous and strong nation is its proper demographic condition invaluable from the perspective of competing with other nation – in this case with English one. The purpose of this article is to present the demographic situation of Wales, identify the most important of its demographic problems, as well as the actions taken by the Welsh Government in this regard. Demograficzne aspekty samostanowienia narodu na przykładzie współczesnej WaliiProblemy demograficzne i ich konsekwencje analizowane były do tej pory na wiele różnych sposobów i przy uwzględnieniu różnych punktów widzenia. Badano ich wzajemne relacje i uwarunkowania, mimo iż zainteresowanie problemami demograficznymi w społeczeństwach kapitalistycznych wynikało i nadal wynika z dość prozaicznych powodów. Radzenie sobie z nimi wymaga bowiem ponoszenia coraz to większych kosztów. W określonych warunkach jednak pozaekonomiczne korzyści mogą, a przynajmniej powinny, stać się ważniejsze od gospodarczych strat. Przypadek tytułowej Walii zdaje się potwierdzać tą tezę. Podstawą dobrze prosperującego i silnego narodu jest jego odpowiednia kondycja demograficzna, bezcenna z perspektywy rywalizacji z innym narodem. Celem artykułu jest zaprezentowanie sytuacji demograficznej Walii, zidentyfikowanie najważniejszych jej problemów demograficznych, a także wskazanie działań podejmowanych przez rząd walijski w tym zakresie.
The dominant role of sovereign states in minotity policy in EuropeThe multi-ethnicity in Europe was shaped long time in the history, her image influenced the relations between countries and was often a source of international and internal conflicts. For this purpose, the international efforts have been made, which regulate the status of minorities in Europe and the world. Protective systems for national minorities were formed at different levels of policy; the global solutions of general and declarative nature, regional solutions, characterized by a greater degree of institutionalization, and national solutions with control mechanisms of functioning. These regulations, concerning minority policy in Europe, formulated in many international instruments, are declarative and facultative. Even within the European Union, there is generally no binding legal rights, which formulate protection of minorities. States are sovereign and the principle of the sovereignty determines the protection- policy of minorities living on their territories. Dominująca rola suwerennych państw w ramach europejskiej polityki mniejszościowejWieloetniczność w Europie kształtowana była przez kilka stuleci, zaś jej wizerunek rzutował na stosunki między poszczególnymi krajami, był źródłem międzynarodowych oraz wewnętrznych napięć i konfliktów. W tym celu na arenie międzynarodowej podjęte zostały starania, które mają na celu uregulowanie statusu mniejszości w Europie i na świecie. Systemy ochronne dla mniejszości narodowych ukształtowane zostały na różnych płaszczyznach politycznych, od rozwiązań globalnych mających charakter ogólnikowy i deklaratywny, po rozwiązania regionalne, charakteryzujące się większym stopniem instytucjonalizacji, i narodowe z funkcjonującymi mechanizmami kontroli.Wymienione uregulowania dotyczące polityki mniejszościowej w Europie, sformułowane w wielu międzynarodowych aktach prawnych, mają charakter fakultatywno‑deklaratywny i w tym sensie nie zobowiązują państw do ich przestrzegania. Nawet w ramach Unii Europejskiej nie ma zasadniczo wiążących praw formułujących ochronę mniejszości narodowych. Państwa są suwerenne i to właśnie zasada suwerenności determinuje ich dobrą bądź złą wolę w zakresie ochrony mniejszości zamieszkujących ich terytorium.
The main focus of this paper is to address problematic issues inherent in the canon, whichcan be understood as a construct that enables the production of the common universe ofimages and symbols, which support the collective memory, that is an indispensable elementof the collective identity of social groups, including nations. In such understandingof the canon, it is a cultural construct which itself also constructs culture. This dual natureof the canon becomes particularly obvious in the case of national educational canonsconnected to complex collective subjects. Participation in the canon as a cultural text ispartially indicative of belonging to a certain group, and thus guaranteeing one’s individualidentity. Education, however, is the field of constant debate, a polemical discourse andother forms of cultural dispute which may come under the header of ideological wars. Theinextricable connection between ideology and education can be expressed in the formof a dilemma: what kind of person do we wish to raise, and how do we identify what itmeans to be a citizen, and does he/she have exhibit patriotism as a result? In this context,the question about the educational canon emerging from these debates is also a questionabout the image of culture and its dominant narrations defining ways of constructing andfulfilment of identity.
The specific patterns of masculinity and femininity seem to play a major role in sustaining “imagined community” – the nation. At the same time, the perception of the nation determines gender roles of men and women. Their stability and invariability are to ensure the nation’s survival – both symbolic and physical. The aim of this article is to demonstrate the pattern of masculinity present in nationalistic groups. Its foundation relies on few elements: eagerness to protect the country and women, the control of female sexuality and homophobia.
The main focus of this paper is to address problematic issues inherent in the canon, whichcan be understood as a construct that enables the production of the common universe ofimages and symbols, which support the collective memory, that is an indispensable elementof the collective identity of social groups, including nations. In such understandingof the canon, it is a cultural construct which itself also constructs culture. This dual natureof the canon becomes particularly obvious in the case of national educational canonsconnected to complex collective subjects. Participation in the canon as a cultural text ispartially indicative of belonging to a certain group, and thus guaranteeing one’s individualidentity. Education, however, is the field of constant debate, a polemical discourse andother forms of cultural dispute which may come under the header of ideological wars. Theinextricable connection between ideology and education can be expressed in the formof a dilemma: what kind of person do we wish to raise, and how do we identify what itmeans to be a citizen, and does he/she have exhibit patriotism as a result? In this context,the question about the educational canon emerging from these debates is also a questionabout the image of culture and its dominant narrations defining ways of constructing andfulfilment of identity.
In this paper, I approach to the relationship between the art and the democracy via discussion of two histories of Yugoslav literatures. I propose and try to defend a thesis that both accounts of the history of Yugoslav literatures synchronize temporalities of the different national literatures, reducing thereby differences between them. Both histories substantialize Yugoslav literature as a remnant of the lost community. They argue that immediacy of that community had dissolved into the variety of nations, which led separate lives under the rule of empires. In the name of that mythical past, heterogeneous temporalities are synchronized to the single temporal flow. However, the similar substantializing operation and synchronization is present in the more recent concept of (post)-Yugoslav literature.
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