Search results

1

Urbanizacja a procesy narodotwórcze na pograniczach ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej

100%

Sadowski A.

Pogranicze. Studia Społeczne

|

2016

|

vol. 27 cz. 1

EN

In this article I will try to answer the question of what factors cause the formation of a new order on the borderlands of the changing social conditions and geopolitical, and they cause tensions and conflicts? I assume that the closer to understanding and explanation of the complexity of socio-cultural and political borderlands focused on Central and Eastern Europe need to take into account at least five macro-processes, which frequently overlap forming a particularly tight and often explosive system conditions. These are the processes of urbanization, modernization, nationalization (nation-building), civilization (“esternization”, “universalization”) and the expected implementation processes of social advancement. They were briefly presented with regard to the real order of their occurrence in practice. In conclusion, I emphasize the low intensity of the processes of a transcultural on the borderlands of Central and Eastern Europe.

2

Armed Peasants, Violent Intellectuals and Political Guards : Trajectories of Violence in a Failing Nation State, 1918-1940

100%

Egry G.

Střed. Časopis pro mezioborová studia Střední Evropy 19. a 20. století. / Centre. Journal for Interdisciplinary Studies of Central Europe in the 19th and 20th Centuries.

|

2017

|

vol. 9

|

issue 1

34-54

EN

Interwar Romania was infamous for its many violent political and social scenes. Some of these scenes represented exclusionary violence in its basic form, such as riots against Jews (and sometimes against other minorities) in 1922 and most prominently in 1927. But many other forms of violence were customary in Greater Romania. Clashes between villagers, destruction of memorials and statues, armed violence against the opposition electorate, beating up of politicians and occasional revolts against the authorities concerned an ever-growing state security apparatus that was rarely able to control these eruptions. Their persistence makes them suspicious of being a systemic phenomenon. In this article I argue that violence in this widespread form was a structural characteristic of Greater Romania, the result of systemic factors in the new state. A loosening of moral constraint due to the preceding first world war, subsequent revolutions (and paramilitary endeavours) and the deficiencies of the state together had a decisive impact on the formation of a political culture that fostered violence from time to time. These factors on the one hand legitimized violence as a form of political action and, on the other hand, they resulted from and impeded successful nation building, and the realization of the state's promises for the nation. Thus, interwar Romania became a failing nation state and as such it facilitated popular forms of violence that was widely felt being justified by the legitimacy enjoyed by the ideology of the nation-state.

3

Ethnic Fragmentation as Challenge for Post-Socialist Georgia

100%

Abashidze Z.

Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne

|

2015

|

vol. 48

190-206

PL

Artykuł dostarcza podstawowych informacji na temat integracji obywatelskiej w Gruzji. Jako kraj wielonarodowościowy Gruzja w sposób oczywisty doświadcza wielu problemów związanych z integracją narodu. Najliczniejsze mniejszości – Azerowie i Ormianie – są w niedostatecznym stopniu obecne i nienależycie reprezentowane w sferze publicznej. Państwo gruzińskie staje więc przed trudnym problemem włączenia mniejszości do tejże sfery. Z perspektywy międzynarodowej wskazać można kilka modeli rozwiązania kwestii mniejszości. Gruzja powinna zdecydować się na jeden z nich. Brakuje jednak uniwersalnego wzorca postępowania w tej materii. Każdy kraj staje przed osobliwymi trudnościami i przeniesienie obcego modelu akomodacyjnego na lokalny grunt w skali jeden do jednego nie będzie ani właściwe, ani adekwatne. Autor, omawiając perspektywy integracji obywateli, opowiada się za modelem „integracyjnym”, a nie „asymilacją”, „dyferencjacją” czy czystym „multikulturalizmem”. W przypadku asymilacji władze kraju spotkają się z zasadnymi zarzutami ze strony mniejszości dotyczącymi zatracania się ich narodowej tożsamości. Model dyferencjacji oznacza wykluczenie mniejszości ze sfery publicznej. Czysty multikulturalizm będzie zaś prowadził do dalszej fragmentacji kraju. W gruzińskiej rzeczywistości bardziej odpowiedni i możliwy do zrealizowania wydaje się więc model integracji wzbogacony o element multikulturalizmu.

EN

Article is giving the information on basic situation on civic integration in Georgia. Georgia, as multi-ethnic country, is facing the obvious problems with civic integration. The biggest part of the minorities (Azeris and Armenians) are ill-represented and performed in Georgian public. Therefore, Georgian statehood stands against the severe problems of inclusion of minorities in public space. There are number of models of minority accommodation from the international perspectives and experiences. Georgia should choose one of them. However, there is no standard model of such issue. In every case, each country stands vis a vis peculiarities and 100% transplantation of any foreign model on local level is not relevant and adequate. Author, discussing the perspectives of civic integration, is arguing in favor of “integration” model against the “assimilation”, “differentiation” and pure “multiculturalism”. In case of “assimilation”, the country will face the just claims from the minority side about losing their identities. If we adjust the model of “differentiation”, that means to exclude the minorities from public life. Pure “multiculturalism” will stimulate the further fragmentation of the country. “Integration” model with some multicultural element seems more relevant and workable in Georgian realities.

4

Miroslav Hroch a evropské studium formování moderního národa

88%

Řezník M.

Střed. Časopis pro mezioborová studia Střední Evropy 19. a 20. století. / Centre. Journal for Interdisciplinary Studies of Central Europe in the 19th and 20th Centuries.

|

2011

|

vol. 3

|

issue 2

82-105

EN

The article attempts to define five phases in Hroch´s studies on national movements since the 1960s till today as well as the dominant empirical, interpretational and methodical features of his contribution – as they are internationally reflected. However, in some cases (the “phases A – B – C” of the national movement), this reflection is connected with decontextualization or misunderstandings of Hroch´s concepts and interpretations (e.g. the above mentioned phases A – B – C were not a result, but an introductory methodical tool of Hroch´s comparative study, and they are often interpreted only “by touch”), but that changes nothing on their inspiring impact. On this background, the articlle poses the question of “productive desinterpretations” of concepts, which are in the historiography (or generally cultural and social science) perhaps not an extraordinary phenomenon.

5

Nationalism and the issue of nation-building in the nineteenth century’s Georgian political thought

88%

Dundua S.

Przegląd Narodowościowy – Review of Nationalities

|

2018

|

vol. 8

133-147

EN

In this article, we discuss two different directions about the Georgian nationalism of the 19th century: first we consider, thetrinity of language, homeland, faith – maybe one of the best classical formulations of nationalist project. And second, in the process of creation of the nation, in the course of research of the Georgian nation-building of that period, we can not avoid the role of printed media. Georgian intellectuals published their opinions on general internal problems or foreign policy processes and all the most important ideas expressed by them were widespread by the printed media. Under strict censorship, discussing foreign policy processes was an indirect way to disclose the attitudes of Georgian intellectuals to the building Georgian nation, restoration of state, territorial integrity and independence, as well as to the colonial politics in generall. “Let’s be self-sufficient” is a phrase best describing the main purpose of Georgian intellectuals. However, it is noteworthy that the creators of that time Georgian nationalismprimarily sought to gain autonomy within the Russian Empire, while full political independence was due to the reality a far and difficult goal. Generally, Georgian nationalism developed during that period was clearly mild and was far from ethno-cultural discrimination that is o”en characteristic for nationalism.

6

The Gagauz Republic: Internal Dynamics of De Facto Statehood

88%

Kosienkowski M.

Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia

|

2017

|

vol. 24

|

issue 1

EN

The post-Soviet area is a home for a several de facto states, which are entities that resemble "normal" states but lack international recognition. This paper examines a historical and under-researched case study of the Gagauz Republic (Gagauzia), a de facto state that existed within Moldova between 1990 and 1995. Drawing on a new suite of sources – interviews, memoirs and journalism – it analyses the territorial, military, political, and socio-economic dimensions of the Gagauz de facto statehood, tracing how the Gagauz authorities proceeded in consolidating Gagauzia’s statehood through processes of state- and nation-building. This study concludes that the Gagauz leadership was moderately successful in its activities.

7

Of Slaveholders and Renegades: Semantic Uncertainties in Volodymyr Antonovych’s Conversion to Ukrainianness

88%

Herlth J.

Sprawy Narodowościowe

|

2017

|

issue 49

EN

Of Slaveholders and Renegades: Semantic Uncertainties in Volodymyr Antonovych’s Conversion to UkrainiannessIn an article published in the St. Petersburg-based Ukrainian language journal Osnova (Foundation) in 1862, Włodzimierz Antonowicz, formally the descendant of a Polish family from the landed gentry in Ukraine, declared that from then on he would consider himself a Ukrainian. In the present essay, I analyze the polemics around what can be called Antonovych’s conversion from Polishness to Ukrainianness. Antonovych as well as his adversaries brought into play various concepts of nationality and national identity, switching quite freely between various frames of references (political thought of the Enlightenment and the Romantic era, contemporary historical fiction, and historiography). Panowie i renegaci: semantyczne niuanse konwersji Włodzimierza Antonowicza na ukraińskośćW artykule opublikowanym w 1862 roku w petersburskim ukraińskojęzycznym dzienniku „Osnova” Włodzimierz Antonowicz, formalnie potomek polskiej rodziny ziemiańskiej z Ukrainy, oświadczył, że od tego momentu będzie siebie uznawał za Ukraińca. Autor eseju analizuje polemikę wokół tego, co można nazwać konwersją Antonowicza od polskości do ukraińskości. Antonowicz, podobnie jak jego adwersarze, posługiwał się różnymi koncepcjami narodowości i tożsamości narodowej, dość swobodnie przechodząc do odmiennych odniesień w myśli politycznej (Oświecenia i epoki romantyzmu, współczesnej prozie historycznej i historiografii).

8

Between Nation-Building and Contestation for Power: The Place of Party Politics in Nigeria, 1923-2019

88%

Ogunyemi A. O.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

|

2020

|

issue 4 (49)

51-71

EN

By May 29, 2019, Nigeria’s Fourth Republic and democracy had achieved an unprecedented 20 unbroken years of active partisan politics and representative democracy. The First Republic had lasted barely three years (1963-1966); the Second Republic and its democratic institutions lasted just four years (1979-1983) while the Third Republic (19921993) could barely hold its head for one year. Hence, by mid-2019, not many analysts have congratulated Nigeria for its longest democratic experience since its independence from Britain in 1960, but hardly did any of them identify the core reasons for such a sustained rule of democratic ethos for two decades. In this paper, we show the origin and practice of political parties in Nigeria. We argue that the country had succeeded in its Fourth Republic as a democratic country because its law and constitution together with the political culture of the people had permitted multiparty democracy by which governments had been formed, political inclusion and popular participation ensured, and public policies initiated. We also present an analysis of party politicking in the country from its beginning in 1923 and conclude that Nigeria has achieved meaningful and sustainable dividends of democracy in her Fourth Republic because of a maturing culture of partisan politics.

9

A critical response to Will Kymlicka´s view of multiculturalism

75%

Anwarullah Bhuiyan A.

Human Affairs

|

2011

|

vol. 21

|

issue 2

129-139

EN

The objective of this article is to consider how multiculturalism, minority rights, and nationbuilding have been defended by Will Kymlicka. For this purpose, I will first attempt to spell out the answers to the following questions: is it possible to defend minority rights in a liberal state? What is the problem regarding this defence of national minorities? Does anybody benefit from minority rights within a nationbuilding process? In order to find out the answer to these questions, I will first introduce the main line of thought found in Will Kymlicka’s views on the defence of the rights of national minorities, the nationbuilding process, and multiculturalism. Later, I will reassess the views of Kymlicka in finding the ways to defend national minorities with the aim of providing support to the minority cultures.

10

Contemporary Afghanistan Outlook: Between Counterinsurgency and Search of the Social Contract

75%

Bivainis A.

International Journal of Area Studies

|

2015

|

vol. 10

|

issue 2

119-138

EN

This article is based on reassessment of the contemporary results of counterinsurgency and nation-building in Afghanistan. Nation-building initiatives have been started in the country since the Bonn agreement in December 2001. This agreement brought into reality the current governing system of Afghanistan. Counterinsurgency in Afghanistan has been initiated in full mode since 2009 after a sound success on Iraqi frontier. However, each operational area is bringing its own specifics into play. The same was with Afghanistan. The newly established constitutional presidential republic has faced with inheritance of unresolved sensitive ethnical identity issues, confrontation between different groups for self-governing authority and security of essential resources. These preconditions have brought a diversified and even confrontational social environment into reality. Prolonged military operations in Afghanistan could show that diversified social environment and misevaluated cultural heritage has led to misleading assumptions that centralized presidential governing system could become an effective ruling model for post-Taliban country. One of the key notions of this article is that historical lessons taught by long years of colonialist rule in Afghanistan has not been learned and misevaluation of diversified and confrontational local entities has brought another historical lesson of Afghan tribal resistance. More than that, diversified and confrontational entities of Afghanistan have not been a favorable subject for possible social contract. The term social contract was introduced as explanatory method of national political behavior and systemic structure by Jean Jacques Rousseau in 18th century Europe. Afghan society has become the subject to this model of political philosophy only as counterinsurgency campaign gained full capabilities around 2009. Reassessment of long term nation building efforts in this article is based on evaluation of Afghan social contract’s progress.

11

A New Middle Class on Old Academic Grounds: Law Students of the Cluj University in the 1930s

75%

Pálffy Z.

Studia Universitatis Babes-Bolyai Sociologia

|

2015

|

vol. 6

|

issue 1

5-22

EN

One of the main tasks of universities of Central and Eastern Europe is that of forming loyal and reliable citizens ready to fill in the ranks of public service. Educational credentials make for social elevation into the ranks of this peculiarly state-dependent middle class. Law students make the relative majority of those engaged in higher learning in the region all through the first half of the 20th century. Where and when there is an acute need for a new middle class under a new state sovereignty, it is law studies that are notoriously perceived as meant to producing the bulk of it. The University of Cluj in the inter-war period is a case in point. The paper shall put forward a selection of data (from an ample statistical survey of elite formation via upper-level education in Central Europe) on this segment of the student population in the 1930s, setting it against a dramatically changed background (the general one and the local one, as traced in secondary sources): how do Romanians cope with the task of producing this new middle class on old grounds, and what are the unwanted side-effects of such state-related social emancipation mechanisms? And how non-Romanians behave in the new situation?

12

Book Review: Xavier Bougarel (2018). "Islam and Nationhood in Bosnia-Hercegovina: Surviving Empires". London-New York: Bloomsbury Academic

75%

Falski M.

Colloquia Humanistica

|

2019

|

issue 8

EN

Book Review: Xavier Bougarel (2018). Islam and Nationhood in Bosnia-Hercegovina: Surviving Empires. London-New York: Bloomsbury AcademicThe review of the latest book by Xavier Bougarel focuses on the main concepts of the work: the notion of empire as a methodological and theoretical framework, the relation between Islam and the national idea, and the process of Bosniak nation-building. Recenzja książki: Xavier Bougarel (2018). Islam and Nationhood in Bosnia-Hercegovina: Surviving Empires. London-New York: Bloomsbury AcademicRecenzja najnowszej książki Xaviera Bougarela koncentruje się na najważniejszych kwestiach, takich jak: pojęcie imperium, będące ramą ideologiczną i teoretyczną dla interpretacji autora, relacja między Islamem a ideą narodową, oraz proces definiowania narodu boszniackiego.

13

Feminism and Nationalism in South Korea: Empowering Korean Women During the Nation-Building Process

75%

Kim N.

Acta Asiatica Varsoviensia

|

2017

|

vol. Tom 2

84-103

EN

Since the time of its emergence in the late 19th century, Korean feminism had close ties with the development of nationalism, which initially opposed the political conservatism of the Joseon Dynasty and later opposed the aggressive colonial regime that hampered the establishment of a nation-state. After liberation from the Japanese colonialism, Korean feminism developed within as pro-government, nationalistic ideology (conservative groups), and as the movement for democratization (progressists). The inextricable link between nationalism and feminism led to the creation of diversity of feminist concepts and views on the nature of women’s liberation, which equally, though differently, was comprised by Korean nationalists. The liberalization of South Korean politics and economy at the end of 1980s – early 1990s resulted in the emergence of postmodern feminism, which raised essentially new issues of women’s development such as the elimination of domestic violence against women, protection of rights of sexual minorities, elimination of discrimination against women in the labor market, etc. Thus, the evolution of Korean feminist ideology reflects the significant challenges of national development in the nation-building process.

14

“The White Experiment”: Racism and the Broome Pearl-Shelling Industry

75%

Affeldt S.

Anglica. An International Journal of English Studies

|

2019

|

issue 28/3

43-58

XX

With the Federation of Australia, aspiration for racial homogeneity was firmly established as being fundamental to national identity. Therefore, increasing criticism was directed against Asian employment in the pearl-shelling industry of Broome. It was not least against the backdrop of population politics, that several efforts were implemented to disestablish the purportedly ‘multiracial enclave’ in ‘White Australia.’ These culminated in “the white experiment,” i.e. the introduction of a dozen British men to evince European fitness as pearl divers and initiate the replacement of Asian pearling crews. Embedded in these endeavours were reflections of broader discourses on ‘white supremacy’ and racist discrimination.

15

Re-framing Serbian identity within a global imaginary: Nation building through the Belgrade Waterfront project

75%

Tournois L.

Political Preferences

|

2022

|

vol. 30

|

issue 2

5-30

EN

The Belgrade Waterfront real estate development project has attracted a considerable amount of interest among scholars from various disciplines in a short period of time. Nevertheless, these works are limited in scope. This paper draws upon existing literature on nation building by first contextualizing it before adding insights from party strategies and cultural studies (with a particular focus on identity issues) research streams. It thus aims to contribute to the nascent debate about how the new ruling elite of Serbia uses such urban projects to emancipate from the nationalist rhetoric and supporting symbols of the 1990s. The main argument of this paper is that state narratives, media coverage and branded icons of Belgrade Waterfront illustrate political regime’s switch to the global to contain the national in order to build and publicize its own ‘revitalized’ idea of the nation and legitimize its take on power. The underlying strategy consists in manipulating individuals’ preferences by marginalizing opposition parties. The research design relies on a multi-method approach crossing participant and ethnographic observation over a period of 7 years, as well as a critical analysis of the Serbian regime’s discursive strategies and project’s branding efforts using an original visual material.

16

Old Dubrovnik, Young Serbia and Vague Croatia. Mental Maps in the Serb-Catholic Imagination in Dubrovnik

75%

Czerwiński M.

Acta Poloniae Historica

|

2020

|

vol. 121

PL

This article describes the experience of the community of Serb-Catholics living in Dubrovnik in the early twentieth century. It is based primarily on an investigation of the literary and cultural periodical Srdj (1902–08). This study focuses, firstly, on the conceptual ambivalence resulting from efforts to apply linguistic criteria to determine Serbian identity and, secondly, on the efforts to construct a mental map that would serve projections of Serbian symbolic territory. While the presence of the Serb-Catholic milieu in the city was short-lived (from the mid-nineteenth century to the First World War), it nevertheless left traces on the urban landscape that typified the ambivalent formation of national identity along religious lines, as Croatians were associated with Catholicism and Serbs with Orthodoxy.

17

Accommodating a semi-other : Federative ideology and statehood claims of the Hungarian political emigrants (1848-1867)

63%

Kurkina A.-T.

Střed. Časopis pro mezioborová studia Střední Evropy 19. a 20. století. / Centre. Journal for Interdisciplinary Studies of Central Europe in the 19th and 20th Centuries.

|

2016

|

vol. 8

|

issue 1

76-108

EN

The article approaches the transformation of mobile elite’s political imagination, linking the emergence of a federative ideology to the impossibility of accommodating minorities. While referring to the case of the Hungarian revolutionary emigration in the middle of the 19th century as an example, the paper examines the categories of “inclusion in” or “exclusion from” a “core-group” as elements determined by the shared imperial legacies and a “minority” status of the public actors. Addressing Harris Mylonas’s scheme of accommodation of minorities within nation-states and combining it with the concept of “Imperial biographies”, the paper claims that the projects for a Danubian confederation were the results of an inability to address non-homogeneity by a none-core group on a quest for building a nation-state. Driven into exile, Hungarian intellectuals preferred to opt for the incorporation of the other none-core groups of the Habsburg Empire and their neighbors into a possible confederation that could allow not only to satisfy their aspirations for a national emancipation, but to turn “minorities” into “majorities”.

18

Torn between patriotic, civic and disciplinary aspirations. Evolving faces of Belgian and Flemish history education, from 1830 to the future

63%

Van Nieuwenhuyse K.

Sprawy Narodowościowe

|

2018

|

issue 50

EN

Torn between patriotic, civic and disciplinary aspirations. Evolving faces of Belgian and Flemish history education, from 1830 to the futureHistory education worldwide faces competing, rival visions and even contrasting expectations. Those expectations can be clustered in three main groups, each pursuing a different main goal for and a different approach towards studying the past: ‘nation-building and social cohesion’, ‘democratic participation and civic behavior’, and ‘disciplinary understanding’. This contribution examines how secondary school history education in Belgium (since its establishment in 1830) has been given shape, and how its main goals have evolved. Belgium (and later on Flanders) serves as an interesting case study, as the country testifies to a difficult, contested past, has evolved into a nation-state in decline, and is increasingly characterized by intercontinental immigration. Using the three clusters of rival expectations as an analytical framework, it is analyzed what the consecutive main goals for the school subject of history have been, which changes occurred throughout the past two centuries and why, and what have been the effects of these different types of history education on young people. The analysis allows to discern three main stages in the history of history education in Belgium/Flanders. For all three, the main goals are explained, and their effects examined. This contribution concludes with critically discussing the different aims, and, while reporting on the current reform of the school subject of history in Flanders, setting a fourth aim to the fore. Rozziew pomiędzy aspiracjami patriotycznymi, obywatelskimi i zrozumieniem dyscypliny. Ewolucja oblicza nauczania historii w szkołach Belgii i Flandrii od 1830 roku i jego przyszłośćNa całym świecie nauczanie historii napotyka konkurujące i rywalizujące ze sobą wyobrażenia, a nawet rodzi sprzeczne oczekiwania. Oczekiwania owe można ująć w trzy kompleksy zasadniczych zagadnień, przy czym każdy z nich ma inny główny cel studiowania przeszłości i inaczej do niego podchodzi; są to: „budowanie narodu i spójność społeczna”, „demokratyczna partycypacja i postawy obywatelskie” oraz „rozumienie dyscypliny”. Artykuł omawia, w jaki sposób kształtowało się nauczanie historii w szkołach średnich w Belgii (od jej powstania w 1830 roku) i jak ewoluowały jego główne cele. Belgia (a później Flandria) służy jako interesujący przypadek badawczy, gdyż kraj ten doświadczył trudnej, kontestowanej przeszłości, stał się państwem jednonarodowym w upadku i coraz bardziej właściwa mu jest międzykontynentalna imigracja. Wykorzystując wspomniane wyżej trzy kompleksy złożonych oczekiwań jako analityczne ramy badawcze, autor analizuje najistotniejsze zadania, które stoją przed przedmiotem szkolnym historia, następnie omawia zmiany, które zaszły w tym zakresie w minionych dwóch stuleciach i wyjaśnia ich przyczyny, a wreszcie docieka, jaki wpływ odmienne rodzaje nauczania historii wywarły na młodych ludzi. Analiza pozwala wyróżnić trzy zasadnicze etapy w dziejach nauczania historii w Belgii / Flandrii. Autor objaśnia, jakie główne cele stały przed wszystkimi trzema grupami i jakie przyniosły efekty. Artykuł zamyka krytyczna ocena omawianych celów oraz przedstawienie aktualnie mającej miejsce reformy przedmiotu szkolnego historia we Flandrii, a na końcu wskazanie czwartego celu: edukacji na przyszłość. [Trans. by Jacek Serwański]

19

From noble knights to Polish warriors? Reconfigurations of masculinities and femininities in Polish revolutionary warfare and during the times of partitions

63%

Kraft C.

Rocznik Antropologii Historii

|

2014

|

issue 2(7), Historia i płeć

17–35

XX

The article describes the relevance of gender images for the explanation of social and political change at the example of the Polish history since the late 18th century. While focussing on the aspects of political reforms in the field of the military and the bureaucracy it shows how the arenas of female and male agency had been re-configured in a time of abrupt social and political changes which had been characterizing Polish history in the era of reform politics, partitions, and the following decades of missing political independence. The author shows how the (at least until the beginning of the 19th century) rather permeable boundaries between the public and private sphere had become more and more fixed and how simultaneously the fields of male and female agency were ever more closely attached to the respective spheres. Besides that she elaborates on socially adequate forms of masculinities and femininities, whereby it becomes clear, that emotionality once seen as an indispensable element in the education of future soldiers and citizens had come under critique during the 19th century. According to changes in the legal systems (introduction of modern codes of civil law), to new political concepts (organic work) and last but not least to the biologization of gender relations new ideals of conduct in the private and public sphere were ever more attached to allegedly natural characteristics and abilities of men and women.

20

Вопрос национального единства в современной России: возможен ли единый национальный миф?

63%

Barynkin A.

Przegląd Europejski

|

2021

|

vol. 2

187-194

EN

The author, relying on the concept of nations as imagined communities, sharing the existence of the scientific concepts of “ethnic” and “civil” nations, considers the possibility of the emergence of a single national myth, which could become the most important construct in the formation of national unity in a multinational country. Based on various legislative initiatives, amendments to the Constitution of Russia, considering certain aspects of historical policy in Russia, the author concludes that after 2014, on the background of the Ukrainian crisis, the Syrian crisis, US and European Union’s 188 Artem Barynkin sanctions pressure and political confrontation with the West, the Russian authorities situationally started the mobilisation of public opinion. This policy is capable of producing results only in the short term. Achievement of national unity based on the single national myth, acceptable for most of the Russian society, will require more thorough work and delicate inclusion in the information space, as well as in the educational programs of secondary and higher education

RU

Автор, исходя из концепции нации как воображаемого сообщества, разделяя существование научных концепций «этнических» и «гражданских» наций, рассматривает возможность создания единого национального мифа, который может стать важнейшим конструктом в формировании национального единствa в многонациональной стране. На основе ряда законодательных инициатив, поправок к Конституции России 2020 года, с учетом отдельных аспектов исторической политики в России, автор приходит к выводу, что после 2014 года из-за украинского и сирийского кризисов, давления санкций США и Европейского Союза, политической конфронтации с Западом, российские власти стали ситуативно прибегать к мобилизации общественного мнения. Такая политика может дать результаты только в краткосрочной перспективе. Национальное единство, основанное на едином «национальном мифе», принимаемом большей частью российского общества, потребует более тщательной работы и деликатного включения в информационное пространство, а также в образовательные программы среднего и высшего образования.

Refine search results

Urbanizacja a procesy narodotwórcze na pograniczach ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej

Armed Peasants, Violent Intellectuals and Political Guards : Trajectories of Violence in a Failing Nation State, 1918-1940

Ethnic Fragmentation as Challenge for Post-Socialist Georgia

Miroslav Hroch a evropské studium formování moderního národa

Nationalism and the issue of nation-building in the nineteenth century’s Georgian political thought

The Gagauz Republic: Internal Dynamics of De Facto Statehood

Of Slaveholders and Renegades: Semantic Uncertainties in Volodymyr Antonovych’s Conversion to Ukrainianness

Between Nation-Building and Contestation for Power: The Place of Party Politics in Nigeria, 1923-2019

A critical response to Will Kymlicka´s view of multiculturalism

Contemporary Afghanistan Outlook: Between Counterinsurgency and Search of the Social Contract

A New Middle Class on Old Academic Grounds: Law Students of the Cluj University in the 1930s

Book Review: Xavier Bougarel (2018). "Islam and Nationhood in Bosnia-Hercegovina: Surviving Empires". London-New York: Bloomsbury Academic

Feminism and Nationalism in South Korea: Empowering Korean Women During the Nation-Building Process

“The White Experiment”: Racism and the Broome Pearl-Shelling Industry

Re-framing Serbian identity within a global imaginary: Nation building through the Belgrade Waterfront project

Old Dubrovnik, Young Serbia and Vague Croatia. Mental Maps in the Serb-Catholic Imagination in Dubrovnik

Accommodating a semi-other : Federative ideology and statehood claims of the Hungarian political emigrants (1848-1867)

Torn between patriotic, civic and disciplinary aspirations. Evolving faces of Belgian and Flemish history education, from 1830 to the future

From noble knights to Polish warriors? Reconfigurations of masculinities and femininities in Polish revolutionary warfare and during the times of partitions

Вопрос национального единства в современной России: возможен ли единый национальный миф?