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1

Reference points of European identity: conceptualizing identity beyond the nation-state

100%

Kohler M.

Sprawy Narodowościowe

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2013

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issue 43

EN

Reference points of European identity: conceptualizing identity beyond the nation-stateThis article formulates and introduces a comprehensive conceptual framework for understanding the nature and characteristics of collective (state) identities, especially European identity here. This conceptual framework shall give impetus to conduct new and comprehensive research on collective (state) identities in and beyond the nation-state. It has the advantage of being applicable to all kinds of collective identities – from simple private associations, complex nation-states and supra- or trans- national political systems like that of the European Union. Punkty odniesienia tożsamości europejskiej: konceptualizacja tożsamości poza obrębem państwa narodowegoNiniejszy artykuł formułuje i wprowadza szerokie ramy pojęciowe dla wszechstronnego zrozumienia natury i charakteru tożsamości zbiorowych (państwowych), szczególnie zaś tożsamości europejskiej. Owe ramy pojęciowe powinny stworzyć impuls dla podjęcia nowych, kompleksowych studiów nad tożsamościami zbiorowościowymi (państwowymi) zarówno w obrębie państwa narodowego, jak i poza nim. Zaletą przedstawionego w artykule ujęcia jest to, że możliwe jest jego zastosowanie w odniesieniu do jak najbardziej zróżnicowanych tożsamości – od prostych prywatnych stowarzyszeń przez złożone państwa narodowe do ponad- i międzynarodowych systemów politycznych, takich jak Unia Europejska.

2

Neo-nationalism as a reaction to globalisation and superstate

100%

Skalník P.

Studia Ethnologica Pragensia

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2023

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issue 2

27-38

EN

According to Gellner the raison d’être of nationalism is the (nation) state. This has been gradually achieved in Europe, the Americas, Asia, Africa and Oceania through the disintegration of colonial and multi-national empires. The nation-building process was accompanied and enabled by national languages. Many colonial languages remained (the Americas, most of Africa, Ireland, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa before and after apartheid, and post-independence English imposed on Namibia). Ironically, English is now the main language of the EU while UK is no more a member. Iran reacted to speedy westernisation by Islamic revolution. Arab „revolutions“ are reactions to secular regimes of capitalist or socialist kinds. Basically the nation state, though many declare its demise, is a very successful invention. The present neo-nationalism is the reaction to supranational integration imposed by economic globalisation or late imperial ideological interests. The Soviet Union fell apart for various reasons but neo-nationalist states such as Ukraine, Georgia, the Baltic states or even the autonomous Tatarstan are now thriving2 . China still keeps its empire together but may eventually face nationalist explosions on its margins. The European Union is under threat of late because various neo-nationalist elites find unbearable the super-state trends and economic neoliberalism of bureaucratic cosmopolites. Nationalism is a populist doctrine by definition that was framed by democratic polities. Neo-nationalism, however, uses populism as a substitute for liberal democracy3 . The result could be closed national societies that (once again) become prone to military solutions of their differences.

3

Albanian Citizenship Configurations in the Balkans

88%

Krasniqi G.

Central and Eastern European Migration Review

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2017

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vol. 6

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issue 1

49-64

EN

This paper examines the Albanian state–nation constellation in the Balkans in the light of the European Union (EU) integration process with a focus on citizenship configurations in Kosovo and Albania. It addresses an important puzzle: why legal norms of citizenship do not follow the emerging practice of stronger trans-border co-operation in the Albanian ethnic and cultural space. The study shows that the process of EU integration is the key to understanding and explaining this puzzle, for it provides an opportunity for ‘constructive ambiguity’ around which both ethnic and statist brands of Albanian nationalism, as well as various elite fractions, can coalesce and coexist. In a wider context, Albanian citizenship configurations are shaped by the ever-evolving complex relationship between nation, state and Europe.

4

Politics in an era of globalisation and European Union integration

75%

Leška D.

Human Affairs

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2012

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vol. 22

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issue 1

89-99

EN

This article looks at the mutual relations and links between globalisation and the integration of countries within the European Union. As the economic sphere is undergoing unrestrained globalisation, the position and sovereignty of nation-states is being weakened and politics is becoming harnessed to the economy. The relationship between the economy and politics is thus changing and there is a need to regulate the economy at a supranational level. The European Union has the potential to make positive use of the trend towards globalisation and limit its negative impacts on the economic, social, ecological and cultural levels. This requires, however, deeper integration and further harmonisation of the countries of the European Union in the economic and political spheres. In order for the countries to come closer together, as the current situation requires, a European people (or demos) and a European public space must be created.

5

Uzroci sekularizacije prema Christopheru Dawsonu

65%

Bartulica S. N.

Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne

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2016

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issue 10

PL

The article examines the root causes of the secularization of European culture by focusing on the writings of the English historian Christopher Dawson. Dawson’s central argument is that every human culture is based on religion and, thus, European culture on Christianity. He identifies the root causes of secularization to be found in the Renaissance and Protestant Reformation movements, both of which facilitated the emergence of the modern nation-state, but in different ways. The Renaissance marked the coming of a new culture – a new way of life – which had its roots deep in the past and had been developing for centuries in the Mediterranean world. The Protestant Reformation, on the other hand, brought an end to the religious unity which had existed for centuries in Western Europe, and subsequently divided Europe along religious lines. These two movements essentially laid down the foundations of an alternative culture, one often unbeknown to its architects: a culture which was still very much influenced by Christian origins, but would become over time first the rival and later the successor of Christianity.

6

Eu’s post-national stake. nationalism vs. multiculturalism

63%

Brăilean A.

Human and Social Studies

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2012

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vol. 1

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issue 1

51-64

EN

How to reconcile a European identity that is still quite indefinite with the national identities that have been engines of development, but failed to resolve the issue of ensuring peace and eliminating war as a way of settling differences? Solving the problem of European identity vs. national state identity is the cornerstone for the development of new European institutional architecture. The more the future vision of Europe promotes a deeper integration of the current European nation states, the greater is the fear of the latter to the “danger” of losing its identity. What is, in fact, this identity and would be its disappearance a great disaster? How can be lost the national identity and how it could be replaced by a European identity? Here are just some troubling questions that Europeans today consciences.

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Toward a Critique of Nationalism as a Theory of the Nation-State

63%

Ghosh M.

Dialogue and Universalism

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2019

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issue 1

57-66

EN

The concern of this paper is to critique the political conception of nationalism as a theory of the nation-state. The basic point of the critique is that when the interests of the nation and the principles of the state coincide there emerges a fierce sense of national identity which endangers moral indifference to outsiders, the people within and outside the national boundary, without remorse. Here the attempt to uphold national identity is something more than nationhood. Besides involving territorial identity, common language, custom and culture essential to the idea of a “nation,” it also upholds the consciousness of these as determining separate rights and allegiances, the idea of attachment to a nation and its interests. Such a consciousness can emerge only on the adoption of certain populist ideas such as racism, ethnicity and even such popular elusive myths as the “greatness” of a nation, the urge for the maintenance of “national character,” etc. Such “nationalist xenophobia” leads to the intensification of the distinction between the “own” and the “other,” “national” and the “alien,” the “citizen” and the “migrant” leading to “ethnic disharmony,” “colour bias,” hatred and suspicion of persons with whom one has lived closely as neighbours for decades. The most popular is the economic discourse of the “migrants” putting the “nationals” out of work. All this has its toll on multi-culturalism and humanitarian concerns. Many affluent nations have become cold to human misery, suffering and deaths from wars, terrorism, acute poverty, political persecution, environmental degradation, etc. This has created an “existential” crisis for millions of people on earth. Hence, the paper visualizes that some form of universalism should be revived against extreme individualism of nation-states to envisage the beginning of a new era stronger in the pursuit of justice and more secure in the quest of peace, an era in which nations of the world can prosper and live in harmony. In developing the critique of the nation-state, this paper has dwelt on the views of Rabindranath Tagore on nationalism and those of Hannah Arendt on the fusion of the state and the nation.

8

Nowoczesna Litwa – czy istniała alternatywa dla modelu państwa narodowego?

63%

Staliūnas D.

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2018

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vol. 125

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issue 2

PL

Niniejszy artykuł to próba wyjaśnienia, czy program litewskiego ruchu narodowego w końcu XIX i na początku XX w. rzeczywiście zawierał alternatywę dla modelu społeczeństwa/państwa narodowego, jak często twierdzi historiografia litewska. Prowadzone badania pokazują, że litewski ruch narodowy, podobnie jak większość etnonacjonalizmów w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej, był zorientowany na model państwa narodowego.The present article seeks to explain whether the programme of the Lithuanian national movement of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century included an alternative to the model of nation state, as has often been argued in the Lithuanian literature on the subject. Research reveals that the Lithuanian national movement, like a majority of ethnic nationalisms in Central and Eastern Europe, was oriented towards the model of thenation-state.

9

Kształty suwerenności – wizja i rola państwa narodowego w czasach ponownoczesnych

51%

Maciejowska A.

Zeszyty Naukowe Wyższej Szkoły Finansów i Prawa w Bielsku-Białej

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2014

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issue 4

151-170

PL

Artykuł koncentruje się na idei suwerenności i jej szczególnych kształtach w czasach obecnych. Pokazuje jak wiele pytań wiąże się z tym zagadnieniem. Pytania te dotyczą zasadności funkcjonowania organizacji państwowych, wzajemnych relacji pomiędzy państwami. Dotyczą właściwej, użytecznej formy państwowości dla współczesnego świata zachodniego. Artykuł wskazuje na relacje na scenie międzynarodowej, koncentrując się na kontraście pomiędzy Stanami Zjednoczonymi i Unią Europejską. Omawia wybrane różnice pomiędzy tymi dwoma tworami, w szczególności te powiązane z realistycznymi i idealistycznymi punktami widzenia. Artykuł stawia pytania o odpowiedni model suwerenności w czasach rosnącego deficytu demokracji.

EN

times. It shows that today there are many questions connected with the idea. The questions relate to the validity of functioning of state organizations, reciprocal relations between states and the useful form of statehood optimal for the contemporary western world. The paper also shows some relations on the international arena with special emphasis on the contrast between the United States and the European Union. It discusses selected theoretical differences between those two composites concentrating on realistic and idealistic points of view. The paper asks about the appropriate model of sovereignty in times of growing deficit of democracy.

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Between the Local, National and Global: The Problem of "Regional Identities"

51%

Kowalska W.

Limes. Cultural Regionalistics

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2010

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vol. 3

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issue 2

161-169

EN

The main objective of the paper is to examine the concepts of region and regional identity in order to point out their political, social and theoretical/philosophical opportunity, and also their highly problematic character, especially in the current Eastern European context. The author tries to determine the contents of the concept of region from phenomenological perspective and shows that it is hardly possibly because, in practice, "region" refers more to arbitrary political and administrative criteria than to what can be experienced as a common "surrounding world". The examples of regions analyzed in the paper are those of the infra-state Polish region Podlasie and of the supra-state Euregion Neman. In conclusion, the author claims that the opposition cultural/political, or experienced/constructed, should be mediated by European legal and moral rules. It is also claimed that only awareness of difficulties connected with the project of regions can allow their construction in a realistic, not arbitrary and not utopian way.

LT

Pagrindinis straipsnio tikslas - išnagrinėti regiono ir regioninio tapatumo sampratas, siekiant ne tik išsiaiškinti jų politinę, socialinę ir teorinę bei filosofinę esmę, bet ir išties problemišką pobūdį, ypač dabartiniame Rytų Europos kontekste. Autorė siekia apibrėžti regiono sampratos turinį iš fenomenologinės perspektyvos ir parodo, kad tai vargu ar įmanoma, nes praktiniu požiūriu regionas labiau nurodo politinius ir administracinius kriterijus, o ne tai, kas gali būti vertinama kaip supantis pasaulis. Straipsnyje analizuojami du regionai - lenkų infranacionalinis Palenkės regionas ir supranacionalinis Nemuno euroregionas. Tvirtinama, kad kultūros bei politikos ir patirties bei supratimo prieštaravimus turi derinti Europos įstatymai ir moralės normos. Autorė teigia, kad tik kylančių sunkumų dėl regionų tyrimo įsisąmoninimas leidžia jų realų, o ne arbitralinį ar utopinį konstravimą.

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„Spóźnieni przybysze” ery nacjonalizmów. Przyczynek do dyskursu na temat procesów narodowotwórczych w Azji

38%

Jelonek A. W.

Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe

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2017

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issue 3

135-154

PL

Jak zauważa w swej klasycznej pracy poświęconej nacjonalizmom Anthony Smith, nowoczesny porządek światowy związany jest nierozłącznie z instytucją państwa narodowego. Jak jednak również wielokrotnie podkreślał, państwo narodowe nie zawsze i nie wszędzie stanowiło podstawowy byt polityczny. O ile według Gellnera era nacjonalizmów w Europie przypadła na wiek XIX, to wiek XX stanowił w historii Azji Wschodniej czas masowych narodzin narodów. System teoretycznie równych suwerennych państw, nazywany w niezbyt adekwatny sposób „systemem westfalskim”, kształtował się w Azji jednak znacznie dłużej. Zachodnie pojęcie suwerenności terytorialnej, traktującej państwo jako źródło autonomicznego prawa i przedmiot relacji z innymi suwerennymi państwami, przez wiele stuleci nie było tu wcale takie oczywiste. Oczywista dla nikogo nie wydawała się też zasada wewnętrznej suwerenności – która w lokalnych warunkach gubiła się w rozlicznych sieciach zależności feudalnych oraz złożonych relacjach patronażu i klientelizmu. Niniejszy tekst poświęcony jest zawiłościom procesów narodowotwórczych w Azji Wschodniej z perspektywy klasycznych (Zachodnich) teorii nacjonalizmu.

EN

As Anthony Smith notes in his classic work on nationalism, the modern world order is inseparable from the institution of the nation-state. However, as he repeatedly emphasized, the nation-state was not always and not everywhere a basic political entity. While according to Gellner, the era of nationalism in Europe has come in the 19th century, the 20th century in the history of East Asia was the time of mass process of emerging nations. Shaping of the system of theoretically equal sovereign states, described in not very adequate way as a „Westphalian system”, lasted in Asia much longer than in Europe. The Western concept of territorial sovereignty, considering the state as a source of autonomous law and the subject of relations with other sovereign states, for many centuries was not so obvious. The rule of internal sovereignty - which in local conditions was lost in various networks of feudal dependencies and complex relations of patronage and clientelism- seemed to be not obvious to anyone. This text is devoted to the complexities of nation-building process in East Asia from the perspective of classical (Western) theories of nationalism.

Refine search results

Reference points of European identity: conceptualizing identity beyond the nation-state

Neo-nationalism as a reaction to globalisation and superstate

Albanian Citizenship Configurations in the Balkans

Politics in an era of globalisation and European Union integration

Uzroci sekularizacije prema Christopheru Dawsonu

Eu’s post-national stake. nationalism vs. multiculturalism

Toward a Critique of Nationalism as a Theory of the Nation-State

Nowoczesna Litwa – czy istniała alternatywa dla modelu państwa narodowego?

Kształty suwerenności – wizja i rola państwa narodowego w czasach ponownoczesnych

Between the Local, National and Global: The Problem of "Regional Identities"

„Spóźnieni przybysze” ery nacjonalizmów. Przyczynek do dyskursu na temat procesów narodowotwórczych w Azji