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EN
Power relations in Bratislava (Pressburg, Pozsony) were never completely coincident with power constellations in the whole state. That is the reason that the arena of monuments developed ambiguously and sometimes different from official versions of the past. In the Habsburg Monarchy the monuments reflected local traditions (Hummel, Maria Theresia) and slow Magyarization of public life (Petőfi). The new Czechoslovak Republic started with prompt removal of symbols of the previous era but the Slovakization of public space with monuments needed more time (Hviezdoslav, Štefánik). During the Slovak state 1939 – 1945 the “Czech” lion disappeared from Štefánik’s monument and Bernolák’s statue and tablets to Štúr, Hlinka, but also Adolf Hitler were unveiled. After WW2 and after 1948 new monuments celebrated 1/ heroes of anti‐fascist struggle, 2/ revolutionary traditions of workers and first of all of the communist party and 3/ Slovak cultural personalities. Especially in 1970s the federalization of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic affected the boom of monuments for figures of the Slovak national history. After 1989, compromised symbols vanished and new statues and tablets commemorate national religious and military „heritage“ that was „forgotten“ until that time, holocaust, victims of communism, memory of minorities but also – when it was suitable for political occasion – “Hungarian danger”. Prestigious space is occupied not only by Slovak national heroes (Svätopluk, Štefánik), but by facetious statuettes attractive for tourists, too. Stormy discourses, conflicts and protests against building of some monuments show that this form of visualization and actualization of the themes from the past is still not obsolete and serves as means of symbolic politics.
EN
The Castle of Visegrad is one of the best known and most popular places of memory of Hungarian national past. It is far less known, howewer, that the exploration of the ruins at Visegrad and their transformation into a Hungarian place of memory was initiated and completed by Jozef Viktorin, who in 1848 was locked up in prison for half a year by the Hungarian authorities on charges of Panslavism, is known in Slovak scholarship for his Slovak national zeal, and moreover, is regarded as one of the most talented promoter of Slovak litarature in this time. What exactly Viktorin had in mind when, as an engaged champion of Slovak nationalism, he set about the creation of what soon became one of the most important places of Hungarian historical memory, cannot be reconstructed, of course. What seems certain, however, is that the possible answer should be looked for in a conceptional framework constituted by the ancient Slav past of Visegrad, the symbolic and hidden layers of Slovak‐Hungarian compromise, Viktorin´s trust in Hungarian liberalism, and by the idea of an life spent in a constitutional fatherland.
EN
Whilst Poland appears today as a paradigmatic example of a homogeneous, exclusive national and cultural identity, reinforced by the hegemonic historical policy of a semi-authoritarian state, it is also challenged by Polish minority histories (civilian, multi-ethnic, non-Catholic, women). The main concern of the present article is the plural ‘Polishness’ that emerges from the constellation of these non-default histories. To examine the frictions of historical narratives in action, authors use spaces of historical museums as a field of observation, perceiving them as memory agents fostering not only confrontational but also negotiative memory politics. To identify situations in which tensions between the ‘central’ Polishness and its unorthodox variants are particularly evident, the paper takes a look at ‘non-central’ Polish territories i.e. ‘post-German’ areas, characterized by a complex heterogeneous past in which Germanness and Polishness, but also ‘Silesianness’ or ‘Borderlandness’ mutually clash and dialogue. Analysis of selected exhibitions’ construction reveals peculiarities of different local contexts in transitional spaces and strategies of resolving creeping conflicts between ‘the Polishness’ and plural, peripheral ‘Polishnesses’. As authors argue, these case studies – instead of a static model of open memory conflict and binaries – offer dynamic models of memory, and allow to introduce the concept of memory frictions.
EN
In Ukraine, having arrived at a critical stage of its history, three areas can be highlighted at the level of legislation during the struggle for the way forward since the end of 2013: the language issue, the constitutional process, and the efforts to eliminate the Soviet legacy. The subject of our analysis is the four laws belonging to the 2015 legislative package on decommunization, with an outlook to the broader context, as well. The four laws in question decide about who are heroes and who are enemies in history; what Ukraine’s relationship is with World War II, as well as with the Communist and Nazi regimes. The laws point out firmly and excluding any further debate the primacy of the country’s independence over all else, and the protection of the ideal of independence by any means concerning both the past and the present. The laws prescribe impeachment as a sanction for denying their contents. This story – hot memory influenced by politics – will be summarized for the period of 2015–2016.
EN
The article examines Paulus Hochgatterers story Der Tag, an dem mein Großvater ein Held war (2017) as specific literary contribution to contemporary Austrian memory culture, especially concerning the remembrance of the crimes of national socialism. The text’s particular approach to the subject, which is notorious in Austria at least since the 1980s, can be seen in the topographical positioning of the events in the backup area, their temporal positioning in the “state of exception” (G. Agamben) of the last weeks of WW II and especially in the narrative construction of alternative scenarios.
DE
Der Beitrag untersucht Paulus Hochgatterers 2017 erschienene Erzählung Der Tag, an dem mein Großvater ein Held war als spezifisch literarischen Beitrag zur gegenwärtigen österreichischen Erinnerungskultur bzgl. der nationalsozialistischen Verbrechen. Die besondere Herangehensweise des Textes an das in der österreichischen Literatur spätestens seit den 1980er Jahren notorische Thema wird dabei an der räumlichen Situierung des Geschehens im Hinterland, der zeitlichen Situierung im „Ausnahmezustand“ (G. Agamben) der letzten Kriegswochen, vor allem aber in dem erzählerischen Entwurf von Alternativszenarien festgemacht.
EN
After the Second World War constant controversies and confrontations between Poland and Germany were provoked, in addition to question of the recognition of Poland’s western border, by the “fl ight and expulsion” (Flucht und Vertreibung) of Germans — described as “population transfer” by the Polish side — and the activity of homeland associations. In the early 1990s, after the fi nal recognition of the border and in view of the growing collaboration in many fi elds, it could seem that the controversies were resolved. However, the problem of “expulsions” returned in the 21st century with a new German historical policy and institutionalisation of remembrance. The change was symbolised by the Centre Against Expulsions project of 2002. In the end the German Bundestag adopted a resolution establishing a documentation centre of the Foundation Flight, Expulsion, Reconciliation in Berlin. In 2017 the centre presented a concept for a permanent exhibition. Its opening is planned for 2019. The controversies surrounding both projects have had an impact on the Polish-German relations and have revealed the diff erences in historical policies of the two countries.
EN
The author shows philomathism in Poland as a phenomenon of cultural memory, sustained thanks to the medium of literature and art as well as personal documents (of not historical research) and serving to strengthen the national community. The author of the article considers the relationship between national and local (regional) philomathism, the author reflects if the philomaths were a kind of geo-generation, a generation closely related to the places where they lived and carried out their activities, when and why the “geo” aspect was forgotten. The author analyzes several examples of philomathic understanding of the relationship with place, its nature, history, indigenous culture, civic life, e.g. the creation of grass-roots knowledge, a holistic approach to science. The article also raises the question of whether the philomathism of Podlasie, Kroże, Świsłocz, and Minsk existed and how it manifested itself in the Society’s statutes and in the biographies and experience of its members.
PL
Autorka pokazuje filomatyzm w Polsce jako fenomen pamięci kulturowej, podtrzymywanej dzięki medium literatury i sztuki oraz dokumentów osobistych (a nie badań historycznych) i służący wzmacnianiu wspólnoty narodowej. Rozważa relację filomatyzmu narodowego i lokalnego (regionalnego), zastanawia się, czy filomaci stanowili rodzaj geopokolenia, generację ściśle związaną z miejscami ich życia i działania, kiedy i dlaczego aspekt „geo-” został zapomniany. Autorka analizuje kilka przykładów filomackiego rozumienia związku z miejscem, jego naturą, historią, autochtoniczną kulturą, życiem obywatelskim, np. oddolne tworzenie wiedzy, holistyczny stosunek do nauki. W artykule pojawia też pytanie, czy istniał filomatyzm podlaski, krożski, świsłocki, miński i jak przejawiał się w ustawach Towarzystwa oraz w biografiach i doświadczeniu jego członków.
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