Rola mniejszości narodowych w kulturze i oświacie polskiej w latach 1700-1939, pod red. Aleksandry Bilewicz i Stefanii Walasek, Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego, Wrocław 1998, s. 380
Artykuł poświęcony jest zjawisku terroryzmu nacjonalistycznych organizacji ukraińskich działających w Polsce w okresie międzywojennym (1918–1939). Odrodzona Rzeczpospolita była zmuszona do obrony, ponieważ Ukraińcy podważali legalność posiadania i zarządzania przez Rzecząpospolitą dzielnicami kresowymi – w tym Małopolską Wschodnią i Wołyniem – i obarczali Polaków winą za nieszczęścia i krzywdy, jakie dotknęły ich w przeszłości. Nasilający się nacjonalizm ukraiński zniwelował podejmowane przez władze polskie próby rozwiązania problemów politycznych i gospodarczych dzielnic wschodnich. Czy jednak upadek Polski w roku 1939 był dla ukraińskich obywateli Polski okolicznością pomyślną
EN
The article discusses the issue of terrorism carried out by nationalist Ukrainian organizations in Poland in the interwar period (1918–1939). The reborn Republic of Poland was forced to defend itself, when it was faced with the threat. The Ukrainian nationalists continuously undermined the legality of the Polish ownership and management of the eastern borderlands, including Eastern Malopolska and Volhynia. The Ukrainians blamed Poland for the abortive attempts to create their own national state, which was unreasonable and unjustified. The escalating Ukrainian nationalism effectively destroyed all attempts undertaken by the Polish authorities to solve the political and economic problems of the eastern provinces. But was the collapse of Poland in 1939 indeed such a positive turn of events for the Ukrainian, as suggested by the Ukrainian nationalists?
The article includes a brief overview of basic elements of Romania-Slovak relations, for one thing in connection to Slovak colonization of the southern Hungary in the 18th and the 19th century, and for another at the level of mutual cultural and political relations in Hungary and in the first half of the 20th century. It also reflects significant personalities from both sides, particularly Romanian journalist – Slovak Gustav Augustini. Romania-Slovak relations at the cultural level in the 19th century were based on the real position of Slovaks and Transylvanian and Banatian Romanian in the Hungary as oppressed national minorities. By contrast to Slovaks, Hungarian Romanian had some support in Romanian state. They faced to magyarization pressure together, so their representations arrived to mutual cooperation and cultural contacts. Cultural relations of Slovaks and Romanians in the 20th century had not any negative aspects, symbols or connections. However, in some periods, there was a mark of disinterest of the public in culture of the other one.
Human migration is an inherent part of their existence. Reasons for necessity of moving are very different. The factors determining to leaving of hitherto seats and the search for new ones are, first of all, the securing of oneself and the closest security and the improvement of living conditions. Properly defining the status of migrants in the new community was of paramount importance in shaping the proper relationship between the two groups, mainly to avoid the hardships that could hinder coexistence. The article presents the development of legal norms shaping the legal status of national minorities in Poland. It concentrates on solutions created after the systemic changes made after 1989. Indicates the extent to which the Polish legislation has taken into account the norms of european law. It also draws attention to security risks when these issues are disregarded by the public authority.
The village of Poiana Micului in Bukovina does not enjoy a reputation in the Romanian space. Few people know that, since 1842, an ethnic community that is defined as being of Polish origin lives here. During the twentieth century its history was influenced by the policies pursued by Czechoslovakia (respectively Slovakia, for the years between 1939 and 1944) and by Poland. The rivalry between the two countries to achieve strategic supremacy in Central Europe, and especially the territorial dispute in the border region of Teschen (Czech: Těšín), spawned a competition for defining the Slovak‐Polish community in Bukovina. The reason of otherness of the Poles and Slovaks in relation to the Romanians was born from this rivalry. In turn, Romania treated the mentioned community with pragmatism according to its interest at the time, successively encouraging once the idea of Polish origin, and later the idea of Slovak origin of this ethnic group.
In Switzerland national minorities might be divided essentially into traditional and socalled „new” minorities. New minorities were formed as a result of immigration in the last half-century. The role of the Swiss national minorities in the political system of this country is connected to the special conditions of Swiss direct democracy, which directly determines the status of minorities in the country. The impact of Swiss policy, especially the popular initiative and referendum on the regulations relating to minorities, has not been fully researched in the literature. The purpose of this article is to analyse the status of minorities, primarily non-Christians, in Switzerland, and to show how these minorities relate to elements of Swiss direct democracy.
The European Union is still in the stage of creating the system of protection of national and ethnic minorities. Attempts of the European Parliament to improve the situation in the European Union need research and reflection. Social integration is the most important plane guaranteeing European integration, which is the basis for the future functioning of the European Union. The European community, which will be characterized by a common identity, will not be made up of individual countries but nations retaining their own diversity. Despite many efforts of the European Union the situation of the Roma minority has not dramatically improved. The main reasons are insufficient actions by the European Union, corruption of officials, and lack of interest for the Roma community among the Member States. So far, the measures taken have not produced desired results, so it’s necessary to devote more attention to this issue. The European Union needs strong support from other EU institutions and civil society. The main problem that affects the Roma community is long and difficult road to integration and acceptance by the other citizens of the European Union. A common phenomenon is the reluctance to strangers who are victims of discrimination. Strongly rooted stereotypes, lack of tolerance for other cultures proves that even the best-designed programs, as well as initiatives from the European Union are not sufficient. First of all, there is a need for commitment and unforced intercultural education from both the Roma and the rest of society, which will lead to mutual respect for differences. The phenomenon of social exclusion of the Roma minority is often related to their lifestyle, habits and patterns different from the rest of the society. Help which is offered by the European Union and the Member States is generally perceived as an attempt to breach the culture of the Roma minority and replace it with another. That is why the European Union should develop a range of mechanisms and measures that may be accepted by the Roma.
PL
Unia Europejska znajduje się dopiero na etapie tworzenia systemu ochrony mniejszości narodowych i etnicznych, jednak niezbędne będzie podjęcie wielu starań, debat oraz działań, w które koniecznie zaangażowane muszą być wszystkie państwa członkowskie. Próby podejmowane przez Parlament Europejski w celu poprawy sytuacji mniejszości narodowych i etnicznych w Unii Europejskiej mogą być odpowiednim impulsem do wstępnych refleksji. Pomimo wielu starań Unii Europejskiej oraz wykorzystania funduszy unijnych sytuacja mniejszości romskiej nie uległa dużej poprawie. Głównymi przyczynami są niedostateczne działania ze strony Unii Europejskiej, korupcja urzędników, a także brak zainteresowania społecznością romską państw członkowskich. Dotychczas podjęte działania nie przyniosły zamierzonych rezultatów, dlatego konieczne jest poświęcenie większej uwagi tej kwestii. Unia Europejska potrzebuje mocnego wsparcia innych instytucji unijnych oraz społeczeństwa obywatelskiego.
The multi-ethnicity in Europe was shaped long time in the history, her image influenced the relations between countries and was often a source of international and internal conflicts. For this purpose, the international efforts have been made, which regulate the status of minorities in Europe and the world. Protective systems for national minorities were formed at different levels of policy; the global solutions of general and declarative nature, regional solutions, characterized by a greater degree of institutionalization, and national solutions with control mechanisms of functioning. These regulations, concerning minority policy in Europe, formulated in many international instruments, are declarative and facultative. Even within the European Union, there is generally no binding legal rights, which formulate protection of minorities. States are sovereign and the principle of the sovereignty determines the protection- policy of minorities living on their territories.
PL
Wieloetniczność w Europie kształtowana była przez kilka stuleci, zaś jej wizerunek rzutował na stosunki między poszczególnymi krajami, był źródłem międzynarodowych oraz wewnętrznych napięć i konfliktów. W tym celu na arenie międzynarodowej podjęte zostały starania, które mają na celu uregulowanie statusu mniejszości w Europie i na świecie. Systemy ochronne dla mniejszości narodowych ukształtowane zostały na różnych płaszczyznach politycznych, od rozwiązań globalnych mających charakter ogólnikowy i deklaratywny, po rozwiązania regionalne, charakteryzujące się większym stopniem instytucjonalizacji, i narodowe z funkcjonującymi mechanizmami kontroli. Wymienione uregulowania dotyczące polityki mniejszościowej w Europie, sformułowane w wielu międzynarodowych aktach prawnych, mają charakter fakultatywno‑deklaratywny i w tym sensie nie zobowiązują państw do ich przestrzegania. Nawet w ramach Unii Europejskiej nie ma zasadniczo wiążących praw formułujących ochronę mniejszości narodowych. Państwa są suwerenne i to właśnie zasada suwerenności determinuje ich dobrą bądź złą wolę w zakresie ochrony mniejszości zamieszkujących ich terytorium.
The dominant role of sovereign states in minotity policy in EuropeThe multi-ethnicity in Europe was shaped long time in the history, her image influenced the relations between countries and was often a source of international and internal conflicts. For this purpose, the international efforts have been made, which regulate the status of minorities in Europe and the world. Protective systems for national minorities were formed at different levels of policy; the global solutions of general and declarative nature, regional solutions, characterized by a greater degree of institutionalization, and national solutions with control mechanisms of functioning. These regulations, concerning minority policy in Europe, formulated in many international instruments, are declarative and facultative. Even within the European Union, there is generally no binding legal rights, which formulate protection of minorities. States are sovereign and the principle of the sovereignty determines the protection- policy of minorities living on their territories. Dominująca rola suwerennych państw w ramach europejskiej polityki mniejszościowejWieloetniczność w Europie kształtowana była przez kilka stuleci, zaś jej wizerunek rzutował na stosunki między poszczególnymi krajami, był źródłem międzynarodowych oraz wewnętrznych napięć i konfliktów. W tym celu na arenie międzynarodowej podjęte zostały starania, które mają na celu uregulowanie statusu mniejszości w Europie i na świecie. Systemy ochronne dla mniejszości narodowych ukształtowane zostały na różnych płaszczyznach politycznych, od rozwiązań globalnych mających charakter ogólnikowy i deklaratywny, po rozwiązania regionalne, charakteryzujące się większym stopniem instytucjonalizacji, i narodowe z funkcjonującymi mechanizmami kontroli.Wymienione uregulowania dotyczące polityki mniejszościowej w Europie, sformułowane w wielu międzynarodowych aktach prawnych, mają charakter fakultatywno‑deklaratywny i w tym sensie nie zobowiązują państw do ich przestrzegania. Nawet w ramach Unii Europejskiej nie ma zasadniczo wiążących praw formułujących ochronę mniejszości narodowych. Państwa są suwerenne i to właśnie zasada suwerenności determinuje ich dobrą bądź złą wolę w zakresie ochrony mniejszości zamieszkujących ich terytorium.
The legislation of the European Union towards national and ethnic minorities - the case of RomaThe European Union is still in the stage of creating the system of protection of national and ethnic minorities. Attempts of the European Parliament to improve the situation in the European Union need research and reflection. Social integration is the most important plane guaranteeing European integration, which is the basis for the future functioning of the European Union. The European community, which will be characterized by a common identity, will not be made up of individual countries but nations retaining their own diversity. Despite many efforts of the European Union the situation of the Roma minority has not dramatically improved. The main reasons are insufficient actions by the European Union, corruption of officials, and lack of interest for the Roma community among the Member States. So far, the measures taken have not produced desired results, so it’s necessary to devote more attention to this issue. The European Union needs strong support from other EU institutions and civil society. The main problem that affects the Roma community is long and difficult road to integration and acceptance by the other citizens of the European Union. A common phenomenon is the reluctance to strangers who are victims of discrimination. Strongly rooted stereotypes, lack of tolerance for other cultures proves that even the best-designed programs, as well as initiatives from the European Union are not sufficient. First of all, there is a need for commitment and unforced intercultural education from both the Roma and the rest of society, which will lead to mutual respect for differences. The phenomenon of social exclusion of the Roma minority is often related to their lifestyle, habits and patterns different from the rest of the society. Help which is offered by the European Union and the Member States is generally perceived as an attempt to breach the culture of the Roma minority and replace it with another. That is why the European Union should develop a range of mechanisms and measures that may be accepted by the Roma. Ustawodawstwo Unii Europejskiej wobec mniejszości narodowych i etnicznych - casus romskiUnia Europejska znajduje się dopiero na etapie tworzenia systemu ochrony mniejszości narodowych i etnicznych, jednak niezbędne będzie podjęcie wielu starań, debat oraz działań, w które koniecznie zaangażowane muszą być wszystkie państwa członkowskie. Próby podejmowane przez Parlament Europejski w celu poprawy sytuacji mniejszości narodowych i etnicznych w Unii Europejskiej mogą być odpowiednim impulsem do wstępnych refleksji. Pomimo wielu starań Unii Europejskiej oraz wykorzystania funduszy unijnych sytuacja mniejszości romskiej nie uległa dużej poprawie. Głównymi przyczynami są niedostateczne działania ze strony Unii Europejskiej, korupcja urzędników, a także brak zainteresowania społecznością romską państw członkowskich. Dotychczas podjęte działania nie przyniosły zamierzonych rezultatów, dlatego konieczne jest poświęcenie większej uwagi tej kwestii. Unia Europejska potrzebuje mocnego wsparcia innych instytucji unijnych oraz społeczeństwa obywatelskiego.
The author discusses the problem of national minorities in the Polish state and the state policy in the years 1918–1939. The ethnic diversity and conflicts associated with it influenced the social diversity of Poland. Caused by external and internal factors. In the article, the author describes the most numerous national groups appearing in Poland in the years 1918–1939, with particular emphasis on the Ukrainian, German and Jewish minorities.
The cultural diversity and related diversity of the national population within the country have been and probably will be important in shaping the history of the state. Through the diversity of this phenomenon, wanting to discuss the current situation of national minori- ties in Eastern Poland, the division of work on thematic chapters has been made. The purpose of this article is to present the activity of local government authorities for national minorities in Eastern Poland. This work was divided into two sections: theoretical and empirical parts. In the theoretical part, the Polish literature (including publications of minorities associations) and legislation have been used. In the empirical part the results of a survey that was carried out on a sample of 200 respondents have been used. The aim of the research was to identify the situation of the representatives from national minorities from Eastern Poland and also the achievement of the State policy for improvement the living conditions of these groups.
Migration and emigration processes have always had and continue to have a significant impact on the socioeconomic and political situation of the whole world. The Zaporizhia Oblast will serve as an example of a multicultural area of Ukraine, as an attractive area for many newcomers since the 15th century. The multicultural borderlands of south¬ eastern Ukraine discussed in the paper are to demonstrate the influence of migration processes on the formation of individual identity, including in particular Polish identity. Nowadays, many in-habitants of the studied area are unable to clearly define their cultural identity.
Narodowy Spis powszechny Ludności i mieszkań z 2011 r. był drugim w kolejności spisem (po NSP z 2002 ) w którym badano skład narodowo –etniczny ludności Polski. Nowa metodologia spisu i nowy układ pytań spowodował iż prezentowane dane nie są (jeszcze) dostatecznie precyzyjne. Generalnie liczba ludności deklarującej dane opcje niepolskie istotnie wzrosła, przede wszystkim z uwagi na bardzo duże przyrosty liczby ludności śląskiej i kaszubskiej. W związku z przyjętą, nową metodologią spisu pojawiły się także nowe możliwości interpretacji danych, zwłaszcza na styku afiliacji do dwóch grup (także językowych) typu: Ślązak-Polak, Niemiec-Polak, Kaszub-Polak. W chwili obecnej prowadzone są analizy struktur demograficznych wybranych grup narodowych, ich lokalizacji w przestrzeni Polski, na poziomie poszczególnych powiatów. Kierunek tych prac związany jest m.in. z rozpoznaniem uwarunkowań rozwoju regionalnego ze względu na zróżnicowanie demograficzne wyróżnionych subpopulacji.
EN
The 2011 National Census of population and housing was the second census (after the 2002 census) in which the national and ethnic composition of Poland was examined. The new census methodology and order of questions resulted in data that are not yet sufficiently precise. Generally, the number of people declaring non-Polish origins significantly increased, mostly because of very large increases in the Silesian and Kashubian population. According to the new census methodology, new possibilities of data interpretation occurred, mainly as two groups (which are distinct language groups as well) such as: Silesian-Polish, German-Polish, Kashub-Polish met each other at the affiliation point. At the moment analyses of the demographic structures of selected national groups and their localization in Poland are conducted at the level of individual districts (counties). The course of those researches is connected to aspects which include recognition of spatial development conditions in consideration of the demographic differentiation of distinguished subpopulations.
In the author’s opinion, the Polish government has no obligation to take care of the development and preservation of the Silesian language within the scope of the provisions of the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages. Other norms of international law regulating the problem of protection of the rights of national and ethnic minorities do not apply in the analysed case due to the fact that the Silesians have not been recognised by the legislator as an ethnic minority.
The provisions of the Act, which are the subject of questions presented in the order to prepare the expert opinion, ceased to be in force on the 17th July 2018. A fundamental legal effect of the of the legislator’s decision to repeal them is decriminalization of behaviors covered by the statutory description of the type of prohibited act. The most important conclusion of the expert opinion is even in the period of time the provisions of article 55a paragraphs 1–2 were in force representatives of German minority in Poland had the possibility of conducting activities in favor of “discovering, elaborating and commemorating the tragic fate of the German civilian population, embedded in the system of post-war labor camps” under condition they did not contradict the facts.
The aim of the article is to show how positive discrimination works on the example of national minorities and corroborate the thesis that national minorities form their political expressions, both on the central and local political scene, through non-party forms. The article focuses on the local and national political activity of four national minorities: German, Belarusian, Lithuanian, and Ukrainian. The first two manifest the greatest activity on the central, regional and local level. They also have a relatively firm, though evolving electorate. Nevertheless, the results of their activity, especially on the local level, are considerably different.
Slovenia is a small country located in the place where south-western corner of Central Europe meets the Western Balkans. Constitution of the Republic of Slovenia from 1991 and the act of national minorities of 1994 granted Italian and Hungarian national minorities with the status of self-governing commonwealths and the Rom minority with the status of an ethnic group. They have the right to choose their own representatives in the city council if at least 10 people who belong to the national minority or the Rom ethic group live in the city. City councilors representing the Italian and Hungarian commonwealths as well as the Rom ethnic group create structures that represent their interests. The Italian and Hungarian commonwealths have the right to one parliamentary mandate in the National Assembly. The Italian commonwealth is concentrated in the seaside area, and the Hungarian commonwealth in Prekmurje. The authorities of the independent Republic of Slovenia are of the opinion that the status of people belonging to the national minorities originating from the nations of the former Yugoslavia will be regulated by the laws of Slovenia and the European Union. The way that ethic problems are solved in Slovenia can be regarded as exemplary.
In accordance with the Act of 6 January 2005 on national and ethnic minorities and regional languages, the so-called auxiliary language was introduced into the Polish legal order. It involves a situation when it is used by a national or ethnic minority in a municipality where they constitute a minimum of 20% of the total population. Then there is the legal possibility of using the minority language on equal terms with the official language, that is the Polish language, before the municipal authorities. This paper presents and describes issues related to the rules of introducing an auxiliary language and situations when it can be used. The existing legislative shortcomings in the form of using phrases that are ill-defined or cause problems of interpretation are pointed out. The auxiliary language, although it can currently be used only in 33 municipalities, is an important element in the functioning of national and ethnic minorities in Poland, as well as is very useful in the relations between the municipality and the residents (belonging to the minority).
The main object of this article is to present the history of the establishing legal regulations in Poland concerning additional place names and other official signs in the languages of national minorities. This process has been always very difficult, because as it teaches the experience of many European countries, it affects issues related the national identity, the role of the national language in the stateand the tradition of recognizing linguistic diversity in a given country. In the article, I will try to show that the introduction of such regulations in Poland has been with the one hand an important, perhaps even historical, change in the functioning of the Polish society and administration which consisted of official admission of other languages into the public sphere thus violating the dominant tradition of Polish language dominance in the country. From the other hand, the presence of a minority place-names indicates a change in the way in which minority groups publicly present their ethnic identities. It takes place not only through maintaining national cultures and learning the mother tongue but also through increased visual presence in the public sphere.
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