Full-text resources of CEJSH and other databases are now available in the new Library of Science.
Visit https://bibliotekanauki.pl

Results found: 7

first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last

Search results

Search:
in the keywords:  national myths
help Sort By:

help Limit search:
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
1
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Megalomania narodowa w ujęciu twórców polskich początku XX wieku

100%
Wrzesińska K.
Sprawy Narodowościowe
|
2013
|
issue 42
EN
National megalomania in Polish reflection in the early 20th centuryIn the early 20th century, a number of Polish thinkers betrayed a mentality in which was deeply rooted the notion of the Polish nation’s unique character. These thinkers also expressed a conviction that Poles had a special mission both in Europe in general and towards other European nations. The signs of the intellectual elite’s national megalomania were reflected in Polish journalistic writings in the final period of World War I and the initial period of regained independence shortly after it.The article analyzes the views of selected thinkers: the philosopher W. Lutosławski, the journalist and literary critic A. Górski, the publicist A. Chołoniewski, and the historian J.K. Kochanowski. All of them believed in an optimistic picture of Polish history and emphasized the significance of the Polish mission in an ethical dimension understood as a desire to establish European order based both on respect towards the individual and at the same time on national diversity. This attitude was clearly based on Romantic thought – a historiosophy tinted with mesianism. All these authors dealt with the same themes from Polish history, treating them as a justification of their attitudes (such as: the Republic of Nobility as an embodiment of the ideal of freedom, Poland as an intermediary between the East and the West, as well as the propagator of Christian civilization in the East; the prominent role of Poles among the Slavic peoples, the importance of Catholicism). All in all, they created a mythologized vision of the Polish Republic in order to integrate the Polish society and mobilize it to act. This stream of glorification of the Polish statehood met with severe criticism after Poland regained its independence. S. Zakrzewski, F. Bujak, J.S. Bystroń, Bocheński brothers and others protested against falsifying the history of Poland.
2
Content available remote

Megalomania narodowa w ujęciu twórców polskich początku XX wieku

100%
Wrzesińska K.
Sprawy Narodowościowe
|
2013
|
issue 42
85-99
EN
In the early 20th century, a number of Polish thinkers betrayed a mentality in which was deeply rooted the notion of the Polish nation’s unique character. These thinkers also expressed a conviction that Poles had a special mission both in Europe in general and towards other European nations. The signs of the intellectual elite’ s national megalomania were reflected in Polish journalistic writings in the final period of World War I and the initial period of regained independence shortly after it. The article analyzes the views of selected thinkers: the philosopher W. Lutosławski, the journalist and literary critic A. Górski, the publicist A. Chołoniewski, and the historian J.K. Kochanowski. All of them believed in an optimistic picture of Polish history and emphasized the significance of the Polish mission in an ethical dimension understood as a desire to establish European order based both on respect towards the individual and at the same time on national diversity. This attitude was clearly based on Romantic thought—a historiosophy tinted with mesianism. All these authors dealt with the same themes from Polish history, treating them as a justification of their attitudes (such as: the Republic of Nobility as an embodiment of the ideal of freedom, Poland as an intermediary between the East and the West, as well as the propagator of Christian civilization in the East; the prominent role of Poles among the Slavic peoples, the importance of Catholicism). All in all, they created a mythologized vision of the Polish Republic in order to integrate the Polish society and mobilize it to act. This stream of glorification of the Polish statehood met with severe criticism after Poland regained its independence. S. Zakrzewski, F. Bujak, J.S. Bystroń, Bocheński brothers and others protested against falsifying the history of Poland.
3
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Odwrót bohaterów. Śmierć syjonistycznego mitu Masady w fi lmie Twierdza Beaufort Josepha Cedara

100%
Pietrzak M.
Images. The International Journal of European Film, Performing Arts and Audiovisual Communication
|
2015
|
vol. 17
|
issue 26
151-159
EN
Withdrawal of Heroes: Death of the Zionist Myth of Masada in Joseph Cedar’s Beaufort Masada is an ancient fortress, which during The First Jewish–Roman War (66–73 CE) served as a refuge for the last bastion of Jewish resistance. In the first half of the twentieth century, the history of the Masada’s defenders was absorbed by the Zionist movement and transformed into a vital national myth, which became an important element of the identity and culture of future Israelis. The main purpose of this article is to show the deconstruction of the Masada mythical narrative made by Israeli director Joseph Cedar in his movie Beaufort.
4
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Bohater o wielu twarzach. Ewolucja syjonistycznego mitu Sabry we współczesnym izraelskim kinie wojennym

100%
PIETRZAK M.
Images. The International Journal of European Film, Performing Arts and Audiovisual Communication
|
2016
|
vol. 18
|
issue 27
346-353
EN
The many-faced hero. The evolution of the Zionist myth of Sabra in the contemporaryIsraeli war films The concept of the New Jew was one of the most important founding myths of Zionism. During the construction of a Jewish state in Palestine, the New Jew was hailed Sabra (with reference to the kind of prickly pear popular in this region). In the twentieth century, the figure of Sabra became an important element of the identity and culture of Israelis. The main purpose of this article is to show the evolution of the mythical narrative typical for the cinematic incarnations of Sabra, which in recent decades has taken place in Israeli war films.
5
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Национальные мифы и политическая практика в странах Центральной Азии

75%
Шукуралиева Н.
Studia Politologiczne
|
2014
|
vol. 33
298-312
RU
Целью данной работы являлся анализ отдельных аспектов этноисторических мифов в республиках Центральной Азии. Они касались модульных структур, понимающих нацию как этническую общность. Эти структуры образовывались повествованиями о происхождении нации, основании государства и его «золотом веке». Проанализированные в статье мифы не только объясняли неизбежный распад СССР и появление независимых государств в регионе, но и играли важную роль в обосновании авторитарных форм правления. Таким образом, определяемая властями культура, обычаи и национальные ценности должны были способствовать формированию соответствующего административно-правового порядка.
EN
The purpose of this paper was to analyze selected aspects of the myths of the past in the republics of Central Asia. They constructed the model which understood the nation as an ethnic community. They formed a narrative about the origins of the nation, the state and the period of " golden age." These myths not only claimed the inevitability of the USSR collapse and emergence of independent states in the region, but played an important role in the justification of authoritarian rule. Mythical assumptions pertaining to culture, customs and national values were designed to foster simultaneously the creation of appropriate administrative and legal order.
6

Stereotypy kulturowe i narodowe w "Wojnie i pokoju" Lwa Tołstoja

63%
Romanienkowa M.
Slavica Wratislaviensia
|
2015
|
vol. 160
19 - 29
EN
In the paper Cultural and national stereotypes in War and Peace by L. Tolstoy several chapters of the 3rd and the 4th books of the novel are analyzed, the chapters which are set in the territory of Lithuania, a former part of Respublica Poloniae. The paper concerns a “mechanism” of transformation of the natural geographical space of Lithuania into a fictional space of Russia. Tolstoy treats ironically the mental confrontation of Napoleon and Alexander I, when basing on the clichés about Russians and the ‘Russian earth’ each of the emperors presents his own understanding of the territories having taken over by Russia as a result of the third partition of Poland in 1795. According to Tolstoy, it is impossible to comprehend rationally the cultural and national mythologems and stereotypes in which the sacred spirit of a people is embodied. Arguing for this claim Tolstoy as an artist sacrifices the national peculiarities of Lithuania.
7
Content available remote

Националните митови во современа Европа и негирањето на македонскиот идентитеm

63%
Проева [Proeva] Н. N.
Slavia Meridionalis
|
2012
|
vol. 12
EN
National myths in modern Europe and denial Macedonian identity The independence proclamation of the Republic of Macedonia in 1991 provoked ardent reactions and denials by its neighbours, against the fact that she was the only peaceful actor in the Yugoslavia’s dissolution. The first negative reactions and denials came from the Southern Neighbor, whose denial was directed towards the name, i.e. the identity, while the others referred to the language, identity and even a part of the territory. The most vociferous and at the same time the most successful was the reaction of the Southern Neighbour, who gained support of the European ‘democrats’, which de facto turned them into accomplices in the open blackmail that demanded the Republic of Macedonia to change its constitutional name. Namely, the 1992 Lisbon Declaration of the E(uropean) C(ouncil) imposed a demand to the Republic of Macedonia to accept any name that would not contain the word “Macedonia” in order to be recognized by the EU!?! The newly independent state was finally admitted to the UN under a reference “the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia” through violation of the provisions of the UN Charter. Twenty years later the country is still enforced to use the offensive reference, and often even to tolerate the FYROM acronym. This article deals precisely with the politics of pressures and blackmail exercised by NATO and EU with regard to the so‑called name dispute. It also centers on national myths that are used in order to “justify” such politics and on the attitude of the European ‘democrats’ towards those national myths. In contrast to the democratic rules preached by NATO and EU across the world, the Republic of Macedonia was and still is blackmailed by an unprincipled demand to select a NEW name in order to please one member-state. As a consequence of that demand, the national myth linked with ancient Macedonians (so-called antiquisation, although the better term is antique-mania) has been revived and upgraded. A number of pseudo-historians with various professional backgrounds, such as journalists, politicians, writers, physicians, and even university professors, has involved in this endeavor. To make things worse, even some historians and archaeologists may be seen in this group, with a mission to defend the right to the name and identity. The societal climate has been politicized to such a degree that not only the neighbours, but even EU has been caught in the vicious circle of competing and mutually exclusive national myths. The Union obviously insists on the philhellenic myth i.e. on the alleged Hellenic roots of the European culture as such. Mity narodowe współczesnej Europy i negowanie tożsamości macedońskiej Niepodległość Republiki Macedonii - państwa, które w 1991 roku drogą pokojową odłączyło się od struktur Jugosławii - wywołała ostre spory z jej sąsiadami. Pierwszy wywołał jej połu­dniowy sąsiad, negując jej nazwę, pozostali sąsiedzi podważali natomiast jej język, tożsamość i prawo do części terytorium. Najgłośniejszy i najbardziej skuteczny w tych działaniach okazał się sąsiad południowy, który otrzymał wsparcie demokracji europejskich, przyczyniając się do tego, że Europejczycy stali się de facto współodpowiedzialni za szantażowanie RM w celu zmiany jej konstytucyjnej nazwy. W oparciu o Deklarację Lizbońską z 1992 roku Rada Europy uwarunkowała uznanie Republiki Macedonii tylko wtedy, gdy z konstytucyjnej nazwy państwa usunięte zostanie słowo Macedonia. Niespotykanym dotąd precedensem w historii ONZ stało się przyjęcie nowego państwa do jej struktur pod nazwą „Była Jugosłowiańska Republika Macedonii”, skróconej do uwłaczającego akronimu FYROM.W artykule podjęto kwestię dotyczącą nacisków ze strony NATO i UE wobec tzw. problemu nazwy a także mitów narodowych, którymi usprawiedliwia się tę politykę oraz stosunku demokracji europejskich wobec tych mitów. Jednak wbrew zasadom demokracji, jakie szerzy UE i NATO, Republika Macedonii była i nadal jest szantażowana bezzasadnym żądaniem znalezienia NOWEJ nazwy według żądań jednego z jej członków.Następstwem tych działań w RM stało się odnowienie i rozszerzenie narodowego mitu o związki z Macedończykami antycznymi. Nieodłącznym elementem towarzyszącym temu zjawisku jest turbo folk oraz wsparcie pseudohistoryków wszelkich profesji: dziennikarzy, polityków, literatów, lekarzy a nawet profesorów uniwersyteckich. Najbardziej zatrważającym – w celu ochrony właściwej nazwy państwa dowodzącej tożsamości – stało się włączenie do tego nurtu zawodowych historyków i archeologów.Sytuacja uległa upolitycznieniu do takiego stopnia, że nie tylko sąsiedzi, ale również UE wkroczyła do magicznego kręgu demonstrowania mitów narodowych, odwołując się do filohelleńskiego mitu rzekomych helleńskich korzeni kultury europejskiej.
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
JavaScript is turned off in your web browser. Turn it on to take full advantage of this site, then refresh the page.