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Orbis Linguarum
|
2018
|
issue 50
237–248
EN
Éric Vuillard, a behind-scene writer of the History Eric Vuillard participates of a writers’ new convergence which try to grant to literature by fascinating narratives an real transitivity by its rehistoricisation. Indeed, the writer chooses to seize the ‘little’ History, those at the level of man, to tell the great events of the world. He is interested in particular in the turning, harmless points seemingly, minors but which make societies fall over to major events of its evolution. The accent is put on the modeling of the narratives of the History and on its spectacularisation.
EN
The article analyzes the main theoretical and conceptual approaches to the study of international order as a dynamic state of the international system, reflected in its structural elements' submission to certain principles, rules and regulations. The methodology for international order study is based on a synthesis of systematic, structural and functional, institutional, regulatory and synergistic approaches. In a conceptual sense neorealism and neoliberalism are the most influential paradigms. At the center of discussion, related to both paradigms, is the State, but the emphasis is shifting regarding its role, opportunities and methods of influence on international politics. Neoliberalism stunds for the democratization of international relations, while neorealism defends the view that the international system is dominated by hierarchical type of management that disguises as a democratic and involves complex mechanisms of interests coordination. The events of recent years, including the crisis in the Ukraine-Russia relations, which has a global dimension and is the subject of inerstate relations of not only two States, show the transformation of foreign policy strategies of the most powerful world's States and their increasing role in the construction of modern international order.
EN
In the article, his author attempted to systematize various concepts and approaches to the issue of security by representatives of political realism. Political realism set out the main directions of thinking about security during the Cold War, however, focusing on the basic elements of the international system, including state security and mechanisms of peace and war, remains the dominant theory of international politics, which is worth reaching for inspiration for the development of security studies. The article presents the main assumptions of a realistic vision of security, the approach to security by representatives of traditional realism and current trends.
EN
The Gospel According to St. Matthew (1964) was the third film made by an Italian intellectual Pier Paolo Pasolini. After many scandals and court trials which concerned seditious character of his earlier shortmovie La ricotta (making part of Ro.Go.Pa.G., 1963), he decided to dedicate his new film to the history of Christ, choosing the text of The Gospel According to St. Matthew, naming it the one which in the best way represents the human nature of Christ and his „being a man among men”. The film he made is an interesting work of art because of many reasons: it was filmed in the area of the South of Italy, it’s maintained in the neorealism aesthetics, and thanks to the actors who starred in the film (one of the Apostles was played by Giorgio Agamben, an Italian philosopher, Jesus was played by a Spanish student, a strong follower of communism and Mary was played by Pasolini’s own mother – Susanna). Nevertheless, The Gospel According to St. Matthew, among other Pasolini’s film, has the most complex and refined soundtrack list, because, this time, the music is the element which plays the major role in the film, being the factor of the stylistic contamination he applied in his works. The story of Christ is portrayed by unusual music choices such as Sometimes I Feel Like a Motherless Child by Odetta Williams, Gloria from the Kongo mass Missa Luba, Prokofiev’s Alexander Nevsky and others. Thus, it is important to have a closer look at the film’s music, and by decoding the intertextual figures such as quotations and allusions, try to understand its narrative symbolism and hidden, autobiographical motives created by Pasolini.
EN
While the scope of the paper is to assess the actions undertaken by the European Union towards the FSU-CIS (the former Soviet Union, Commonwealth of Independent States) which was manifested through the Eastern Partnership Initiative in the years 2008–2014, the focus will be centred on theoretical concepts and their ‘explanatory power’ rather than actions undertaken by European or Russian decision makers. Taking that into the account, this essay will critically assess the explanatory power of the neorealist school of thought which although overtly criticized, still remains a viable tool in explaining the processes occurring in international relations.
EN
The Russian invasion has profoundly changed major power relations in which Paris was actively involved to the benefit of the latter, mostly at three levels. The first level, probably the most significant in Macron’s mind, is the European one. Not only did the economic and energy-related repercussions of the conflict put down the eternal German rival, shaken internally due to its historical ties with Moscow and not even sparing the European ‘Mutti,’ but Macron’s France also had the incredible timing of the French Presidency of the Council of the EU to assert a certain French advantage in Europe, and over Germany. The EU seems no longer governed by a duumvirate; the French presidency has unprecedentedly reinforced the French leadership in Brussels, despite various visions of the war between Western and Eastern Europe. Better yet, Macron has finally been able to seize the opportunity and advocate for his dearest project of a ‘European Defence.’ Strategic areas for French-privileged diplomatic spheres remain at the second level. International consequences of the war have transformed the French project. On the one hand, it has been quite disappointing that few have correlated the end of the Barkhane operation in Sahel with the ongoing conflict in Caucasia. On the other hand, it is certainly impossible not to notice the renewed French diplomatic efforts with the Gulf States, clearly shifting in a direction different from the one prior to the war and in favour of a closer rapprochement with country leaders who are not properly aligned with the belligerents in the Ukraine war. Finally, the Ukrainian war has enabled Paris to revive its relations with Washington, not to mention an attempt to stand at the same power level.
EN
Taking place within the European Union integration processes are the subject of research of many theorists of the European integration. On the basis of the social sciences, there are many theoretical approaches which try to explain the phenomenon of integrating Europe. However. this is a difficult task, because integration is a long and dynamic process, which requires the analysis from the several approaches. Also on the scientific ground is appropriate to use interdisciplinary apporoach to study this issue. Its complexity is confirmed by numerous European integration theories. While those grown on the gound of theories belonging to the theory of international relations. Therefore, they based on liberal or realistic approach. The best known and most widely used theoretical approach in the study of European integration is liberalism. Evidenced by the fact, that most modern integration theory and theoretical approaches derive precisely from the liberal paradigma. We are talking about such theories as neofucntionalism, institutionalism and liberal intergovernemntal approach. The purpose of this article is however, demonstrate the complexity of the integration process on the basis of the neorealistic interpretations of this issue. Therefore will be discussed concepts of H. Morgenthau, M. Mosser and J. Grieco.
EN
This article examines which theory of international relations is best suited for the analysis of energy resources in international relations. The article suggests that realism paradigm theories might provide a useful starting point from a descriptive method in the studies of energy resources in foreign policy. The idealism paradigm downplays the strategic importance of energy resources, and suggests simplified view that statesmen are economically rational actors. Realism suggests that energy resources are power elements included in states' foreign policy when states seek to expand influence abroad. Detailed examination of classical realism, neorealism, defensive realism, offensive realism and neoclassical realism suggests that neoclassical realism allows extend the analysis of energy resources' role in states foreign policy. Interactions and variables in neoclassical realism suggest the broadest explanations and predictions.
XX
The emancipational process of the peasant community of Alentejo is the central theme of Saramago’s book. In this process, which is present also in the very title of the novel, emerges from the opressed and silenced crowd the political subject, who aims to deconstruct and to rewrite the dominating structure. The present article follows the process of dissensual subjectivation of the political agent from the perspective of the political philisophy of Jacques Rancière. I demonstrate how the basic notions of Rancière’s political theory appear in the novel, taking into account the main concepts of dissensus, distribution of the sensible and disagreement.
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EN
The aim of the present paper is not only to acquaint readers with some basic concepts related to the analysis of the state foreign policy but also, or even first of all, to show how international relations theories should be properly used in research into this matter. In the world that is changing dynamically, the concept of foreign policy itself also evolves. The author presents the assumptions of successive theoretical currents (realism and neo-realism, geopolitics, liberalism and neo-realism, globalism, constructivism and alternative approaches) indicating that each of them can have some strengths and weaknesses depending on the level of analysis adopted by a researcher. Assuming that theories see the world through a certain prism characteristic of them, the author argues that each one is predestined to explain a defined section of reality. That is why he assigns successive research currents, which in his opinion offer the biggest explanatory capabilities for the ongoing processes, to the three detailed basic levels of the state foreign policy (the system one, state one and individual one).
EN
This paper presents a short panorama of Serbian literature of the last decade of the previous and the first decade of this century from the perspective of postcolonial theories. „The animal“ paradigm will serve as the formal construct, used in the present text for deliberations about forms of coexisting in con-temporary Serbian literature of that which is personal, private, native, „domesticated“, which is associated with the demystification of great nationalist and capitalist narrative. The findings of theoreticians of postcolonialism are used as the methodological tool for the presentation of the strategy applied in employed reflection over global dilemmas of poetics and politics.
PL
W tekście zaprezentowano panoramę serbskiej prozy ostatnich dziesięcioleci ubiegłego i pierwszego dziesięciolecia XXI wieku z perspektywy teorii poskolonialnych. „Paradygmat zwierzęcy“ posłuży jako konstrukt formalny, wykorzystany w niniejszym tekście do rozważań nad formami współistnienia we współczesnej literaturze serbskiej tego, co osobiste, prywatne, swojskie, „udomowione“ z tym, co związane z demistyfikacją wielkich narracji nacjonalistycznych i neokapitalistycznych. Roz-poznania teoretyków postkolonializmu zostaną wykorzystane jako narzędzie metodologiczne służące do prezentacji strategii stosowanych w zaangażowanej refleksji nad globalnymi dylema-tami poetyki i polityki.
PL
The article briefly presents the subject matter of the doctoral dissertation entitled “Relations of the European Union with the South Caucasus countries”, describing its rationale and premise. Main part of the article is devoted to the theoretical and methodological framework of the dissertation. The thesis is founded on the neoliberal-neorealist framework, and uses neoinstitutionalist/historical institutionalist, comparative and simulation methods. These theoretical and methodological choices are explained in the article, as well as the manner in which the approaches are applied in the dissertation, and expected outcomes of their adoption. The article concludes with a description of the sources available on the subject and assessment of the subject matter feasibility for a doctoral dissertation.
PL
W artykule w skrótowy sposób przedstawiona została tematyka dysertacji doktorskiej Stosunki Unii Europejskiej z państwami Kaukazu Południowego. Wskazane zostało uzasadnienie wyboru tematu dysertacji oraz jej podstawowe założenia. Główna część artykułu poświęcona jest przedstawieniu teorii i metod w niej zastosowanych. Podstawowymi teoriami zastosowanymi w pracy są: neoliberalizm i neorealizm a głównymi metodami: metoda historyczna, metoda neoinstytucjonalna w odmianie historycznej, metoda komparatywna oraz metoda symulacyjna. Wskazane zostały przyczyny, dla których został dokonany wskazany wybór, jak również sposoby zastosowania wspomnianych teorii i metod i efekty ich zastosowania po dokonaniu wstępnej analizy zjawisk opisywanych w przedstawianej dysertacji doktorskiej. Ostatnia część zawiera krótki opis przeprowadzonej kwerendy materiałów źródłowych oraz wnioski, co do możliwości podjęcia wspomnianego tematu w dysertacji doktorskiej.
EN
The article briefly presents the subject matter of the doctoral dissertation entitled “Relations of the European Union with the South Caucasus countries”, describing its rationale and premise. Main part of the article is devoted to the theoretical and methodological framework of the dissertation. The thesis is founded on the neoliberal-neorealist framework, and uses neoinstitutionalist/historical institutionalist, comparative and simulation methods. These theoretical and methodological choices are explained in the article, as well as the manner in which the approaches are applied in the dissertation, and expected outcomes of their adoption. The article concludes with a description of the sources available on the subject and assessment of the subject matter feasibility for a doctoral dissertation.
PL
„Kwestia południowa” jako zespół problemów spowodowanych ostrym zacofaniem gospodarczym, społecznym i kulturowym południowych regionów Włoch stała się jednym z głównych tematów literatury włoskiego weryzmu końca XIX w. Problem ten, nie do końca rozwiązany, pojawia się ponownie w literaturze neorealizmu w twórczości Francesco Giovine, Rocco Scotellaro, Leonardo Shacha i innych. Artykuł jest próbą historyczno-antropologicznej i literackiej analizy powieści Karla Leviego: przedstawiono wyniki wszechstronnej analizy autorskiej koncepcji świata i człowieka; ukazane są główne zasady i metody artystyczne ucieleśnienia problemów społecznych i gospodarczych południowych Włoch w kontekście literatury neorealistycznej; Zaprezentowano ideowo-artystyczną innowacyjność Leviego oraz oryginalność autorskiego rozwiązania „kwestii południa” za pomocą estetycznego wyrazu rzeczywistości.
BE
“Паўднёвае пытанне” як комплекс праблем, абумоўленых рэзкай эканамічнай, сацыяльнай і культурнай адсталасцю паўднёвых абласцей Італіі, стаў адной з цэнтральных тэм у літаратуры італьянскага верызму канца ХIХ ст. Так і не стаўшы да канца вырашанай, гэтая праблема зноў паўстае ў літаратуры неарэалізму ў працах Франчэска Джовіне, Рока Скотэларо, Леанарда Шаша і інш. Артыкул уяўляе сабой спробу гісторыка-антрапалагічнага і літаратуразнаўчага аналізу рамана Карла Леві: прыведзены вынікі комплекснага аналізу аўтарскай канцэпцыі свету і чалавека; выяўлены асноўныя мастацкія прынцыпы і прыёмы ўвасаблення сацыяльных і эканамічных праблем Паўднёвай Італіі ў кантэксце літаратуры неарэалізму; прадстаўлена ідэйна-мастацкае наватарства К. Леві і своеасаблівасць рашэння аўтарам “паўднёвага пытання” сродкамі эстэтычнага выказвання рэальнасці.
EN
In the late 19th century “The Southern question” as a complex of problems caused by the sharp economic, social and cultural backwardness of the southern Italian regions, became one of the central themes in the literature of Italian verism. As being not resolved till the end, this problem appears again in the literature of neorealism in the works of Francesco Jovine, Rocco Scotellaro, Leonardo Sciascia and others. European reader is familiar with this problem first of all in the connection with the novel “Christ stopped at Eboli” by Carlo Levi that was translated and published in 1955. This article represents itself the attempt of historical-anthropological interpretation of the novel by Levi: the results of author's complex conception of the world and human are given; the main stylistic principles and devices of South Italy social and economical problems realization in the context of the literature of neorealism are revealed; Levi's conceptual-stylistic innovation and his conception of “The Southern question” solution by means of fiction literature are represented.
Roczniki Humanistyczne
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2020
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vol. 68
|
issue 4
205-235
EN
The article analyses the critical reception of the Soviet art exhibition, which was organised at the Warsaw Institute of Art Propaganda in March 1933. The exhibition was in line with the tendency, which intensified in the 1930s, to highlight the cultural specificity of individual nation states through appropriately arranged exhibitions of native art, which travelled around Europe. The Warsaw exhibition of contemporary art of the USRR, brought from the 1932 Venice Biennale Internazionale d’Arte, can also be seen as an attempt to improve mutual relations between the Second Republic of Poland and the USSR in the context of the non-aggression pact signed on 25 July 1932. The proposal to show the exhibition to the Polish audience came from Boris Nikolayev, representing the All-Union Society for Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries, which was in fact an instrument of communist propaganda. The Warsaw exhibition enjoyed great interest among the audience. It was expected to present revolutionary, radically avant-garde art, coupled with the social and political goals of the Bolshevik revolution. Instead, the exhibition displayed proletarian art, which glorified the victorious communist system in a broadly conceived realistic convention. Most critics assessed the exhibition negatively, seeing it as a propaganda showcase of the USSR, not an all-inclusive representation of the Soviet art scene. For reviewers supporting the avant-garde, it was striking to see a break with the principles of revolutionary aesthetics. For commentators sympathising with neoclassicism, neorealism or colourism, the political profiling of the topics of the artworks on display was glaring. However, a general consensus was reached regarding the low artistic quality of the presented material. Commentators were looking for a style understood as an idiosyncratic unity of form and theme that would express the essence of the new political system of the USSR. The best testimony to the fact that they had not found such a style was Konrad Winkler’s conclusion: „The Lenin of the Soviet art has not yet been born”.
PL
Artykuł zawiera analizę krytycznej recepcji wystawy sztuki sowieckiej, która została zorganizowana w warszawskim Instytucie Propagandy Sztuki w marcu 1933 r. Ekspozycja wpisywała się w nasilającą się w latach 30. tendencję do akcentowania specyfiki kulturowej poszczególnych państw narodowych poprzez odpowiednio sformatowane wystawy sztuki rodzimej, podróżujące po europejskich ośrodkach. Warszawski pokaz współczesnej sztuki Kraju Rad, przywieziony z odbywającego się w 1932 r. w Wenecji Biennale Internazionale d’Arte, można zarazem postrzegać jako próbę poprawy wzajemnych relacji między II Rzeczypospolitą a ZSRS w kontekście podpisanego 25 lipca 1932 r. paktu o nieagresji. Propozycja pokazania ekspozycji polskiej publiczności wyszła od Borysa Nikołajewa, reprezentującego Wszechzwiązkowe Stowarzyszenie Łączności Kulturalnej z Zagranicą, będące de facto instrumentem komunistycznej propagandy. Warszawska wystawa cieszyła się olbrzymim zainteresowaniem publiczności. Spodziewano się sztuki rewolucyjnej, radykalnie awangardowej, sprzężonej ze społeczno-politycznym przewrotem bolszewickim. Tymczasem ujrzano sztukę proletariacką, opiewającą w realistycznej najczęściej konwencji wielkość zwycięskiego ustroju komunistycznego. Większość krytyków oceniła ekspozycję negatywnie, widząc w niej propagandowo sformatowaną wizytówkę Kraju Rad, a nie reprezentację sowieckiej sceny artystycznej. Dla recenzentów wspierających awangardę uderzające było zerwanie z pryncypiami rewolucyjnej estetyki. Dla komentatorów sympatyzujących z trendami nowego klasycyzmu, neorealizmu czy koloryzmu rażące było polityczne sprofilowanie tematyki prac. Konsensus osiągnięto natomiast odnośnie niskiego poziomu artystycznego prezentowanego materiału. Komentatorzy poszukiwali bowiem stylu rozumianego jako oryginalna jedność formalno-tematyczna wyrażająca istotę nowego ustroju ZSRS. Konkluzja Konrada Winklera brzmiąca: „Lenin sztuki sowieckiej jeszcze się nie narodził”, zaświadcza o tym, że takiego stylu nie odnaleźli.
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