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Conflicting Narratives? Geopolitical and Normative Power Narratives in the EU Eastern Partnership

100%
Crombois J. F.
Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
|
2017
|
issue 49
109-125
EN
Since its inception, the EU’s Eastern Partnership has given rise to two seemingly conflicting narratives. The first one, the normative power narrative emphasizes the use of norms expansion as the main objectives of the European Union vis‑à‑vis its Eastern Partners. The second narrative, i.e. the geopolitical one, emphasizes the need for the EU to develop a geopolitical orientation in its relations with its Eastern neighbours based on interests rather than values. This paper will look at these two narratives, how they originated and how they developed in the EU discourses related to the making of EU foreign policy and more particularly as far as the EU’s Eastern Partnership is concerned.
2
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Global strategy for the EU – the end of the EU as a normative power?

100%
Czaputowicz J.
Przegląd Europejski
|
2016
|
vol. 2016 (42)(4)
24-36
EN
The article studies the consistency of the global strategy for the EU with the concept of the Union as a normative power. There are concerns, that putting interests above values could compromise the EU’s moral attractiveness. Introduction of “principled pragmatism” as a way of enhancing the resilience of states could question the promotion of democracy as an aim of foreign policy. The comparison of EU global strategy with the NATO Warsaw summit communiqué suggest the latter organisation acquires the features of normative power hitherto associated with the European Union.
3
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Wymiar ideologiczny partnerstwa eurośródziemnomorskiego

89%
Wochowska M.
Zeszyty Naukowe Zbliżenia Cywilizacyjne
|
2014
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vol. 10
PL
Region Afryki Północnej i Bliskiego Wschodu ma strategiczne znaczenie dla Unii Europejskiej, ale nie jest to łatwe sąsiedztwo. UE jest najpotężniejszym partnerem handlowym tego regionu, głównym inwestorem zagranicznym i importerem oraz źródłem pomocy finansowej i rozwojowej, a także najczęstszym miejscem destynacji dla legalnych i nielegalnych emigrantów z tego regionu. Nie dziwi więc, że na przestrzeni lat integracja południowych państw Morza Śródziemnego z UE, poza wymiarem ekonomicznym, przyniosła także działania w obszarze ochrony praw człowieka, dialogu międzykulturowego i edukacji, czyli współpracę na polu społecznym, kulturalnym i humanitarnym. W artykule chciałabym zwrócić uwagę na normatywny, tj. odwołujący się do wzorców, wymiar polityki śródziemnomorskiej UE oraz repertuar związanych z nim praktyk ideologicznych. Jest to dobry czas na tego typu refleksję, gdyż wraz z końcem 2013 r. zamykany jest Regionalny dokument strategiczny i regionalny program indykatywny dla partnerstwa eurośródziemnomorskiego, a także pokaźna grupa programów współpracy eurośródziemnomorskiej w obszarze społecznym, kulturalnym i humanitarnym.
EN
The region of North Africa and the Middle East is of strategic importance for the European Union. It is nevertheless not an easy kind of neighbourhood. The EU is the most powerful trading partner in the region, the main foreign investor and importer and a source of financial assistance and development, as well as the most frequent destination for legal and illegal immigrants from these areas. It is not surprising that over the years the integration of southern Mediterranean countries and the EU brought actions which have gone beyond the economic dimension and have developed the area of human rights, intercultural dialogue and education, that is, the cooperation in social, cultural and humanitarian fields. In this article I intend to draw attention to the normative dimension of the EU-Mediterranean policy and a repertoire of ideological practices associated to it. This is the right time for this kind of reflection because in the year 2013 the Regional Strategy Paper and the Regional Indicative Programme for the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership were brought to an end, together with a substantial group of Euro-Mediterranean co-operation programs dedicated to social, cultural 259-280and humanitarian matters.
4
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The European Union as a ‘Normative Power’ in International Relations. Theoretical and Empirical Challenges

88%
Skolimowska A.
Yearbook of Polish European Studies
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2015
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issue 18
111-132
EN
The European Union is currently in the process of defi ning its position in the international arena. European integration, especially in the context of foreign affairs, has proved to be a challenging experience, as revealed in more than one crisis. In the empirical scope, this refers mostly to the lack of unity and cohesion between the Member States in reacting to and/or resolving international issues, which results from the diversity of interests presented by the Member States. In the theoretical scope, the main issue lies in establishing the characteristic traits of the European Union in international relations. The popular concept of the European Union acting as a ‘normative power’ in international crises fails to satisfy a number of important aspects. In such a context there is a need to develop more precise and politically neutral instruments to analyse the European Union’s activities in the international sphere.
5

Potential Still Untapped: Japanese Perceptions of the European Union as an Economic and Normative Power

88%
Bacon P., Kato E.
Baltic Journal of European Studies
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2013
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vol. 3
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issue 3
59-84
EN
This article focuses on two of the three pillars of the ‘EU through the Eyes of Asia’ perceptions project, and analyzes the Japanese print media and elite interviews. We focus on two issues: the first of these is exasperation at the slow progress towards an EU-Japan Free Trade Agreement/Economic Partnership Agreement (FTA/EPA). This exasperation is clearest in the Japanese elite interviews, but the trade negotiations also feature significantly in discussions in the Japanese print media. The second issue is the consistent perception of the EU as a significant normative and diplomatic power, and a leader on human rights promotion, with this perception strongly evident in both the Japanese print media and elite interviews. Overall, the EU was perceived positively as a political actor, and, in a boost for post-Lisbon perceptions of the EU, High Representative Catherine Ashton had a generally high and somewhat positive profile in Japan. This came across more strongly in the print media rather than the elite interviews. In a much-quoted speech given in Japan in 2006, Commission President José Manuel Barroso talked of the untapped trade potential within EU-Japan relations, and the normative power of the EU and Japan. A focus on perceptions helps to inform us about the global importance of the EU and how this is being interpreted outside of Europe. To understand the European Union itself we need to have an external reflection in order to interpret its meaning. Through our study, we hope to highlight and communicate the fact that the Barroso perspective is shared by many within Japan.
6

Indian Elites and the EU as a Normative Power

88%
Jain R. K., Pandey S.
Baltic Journal of European Studies
|
2013
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vol. 3
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issue 3
105-126
EN
Drawing on thirty face-to-face interviews with Indian business, civil society, media and political elites during the period from September 2011 to April 2012, this article seeks to examine the perceptions of Indian elites of the European Union as a normative power. It discusses the evolution of the concept of normative power and the evolution of the EU’s normative identity. It clearly outlines the expansion of the varied roles played by the EU in the course of assuming responsibilities in the capacity of civilian, ethical and normative power of Europe both within its borders and abroad. The article seeks to highlight the diverse external perceptions about the normative power of EU by focusing upon the elite opinion from India. The article captures the changing mood of the elites about the effectiveness of the normative power of the EU with the intensification of the eurozone crisis. It argues that the normative disconnect in worldviews, mindsets and practical agendas between India and the European Union has made it difficult to transform shared values into coordinated policies.
7
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Argument siły czy siła argumentów? Unia Europejska w stosunkach międzynarodowych jako soft power

87%
Barburska O.
Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej
|
2016
|
issue 10
335-352
EN
The article attempts to analyze how the European Union plays its distinctive international role as a so-called soft power. The paper takes into account the fact that the EU acts on its external environment using primarily of a political, diplomatic, economic and cultural means, and not through the use of ‘hard’ instruments of coercion (including the armed forces). The concept of the European Union as a ‘soft power’ serves as a starting point for the presentation of other theories directly related to it – in the first place the concept of the EU as a ‘civilian power’ and ‘normative power’ and other theories derivatives. They take into account various aspects of the specificity of the European Union as a unique participant in contemporary international relations, restraining from using military force and promoting democratic values.
PL
W artykule podjęto próbę analizy tego, w jaki sposób Unia Europejska odgrywa charakterystyczną dla siebie międzynarodową rolę tzw. „łagodnej potęgi” (soft power). W rozważaniachwzięto pod uwagę fakt, że UE oddziałuje na swoje otoczenie zewnętrzne za pomocą przede wszystkim środków o charakterze politycznym, dyplomatycznym, ekonomicznym, kulturowymitp., a nie poprzez zastosowanie „twardych” (hard) instrumentów przymusu (w tym siły zbrojnej). Koncepcja Unii Europejskiej jakosoft power posłużyła jako punkt wyjścia do prezentacjiinnych teorii bezpośrednio z nią związanych, w pierwszym rzędzie koncepcji UE jako civilian power, a następnie normative poweri innych teorii pochodnych. Uwzględniają one rozmaite aspekty specyfiki Unii Europejskiej jako unikatowego uczestnika współczesnych stosunków międzynarodowych, powstrzymującego się od wykorzystywania siły militarnej i promującegowartości demokratyczne.
8
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NORMATIVE POWERS IN MARITIME AFFAIRS: INDIA-EU COOPERATION IN THE INDIAN OCEAN REGION

75%
Łukaszuk T.
The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies
|
2020
|
issue 1
EN
The aim of the article is to explore how the European Union (EU) and India have developed their activities in maritime affairs, trying to boost their cooperation. The challenge for both the EU and India has been to acknowledge each other’s role sin maritime affairs in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) as a facilitator of good practices in maritime governance as well as an important ally in securing the Strategic Lanes of Communication. The main hypothesis of the article is that both the EU and India are normative powers in maritime affairs and have not yet created synergy in their activities. The growing feeling of disappointment among many countries in Asia and Europe with the Belt and Road Initiative might be used to introduce a joint EU-India program covering the same strategic intercontinental maritime lanes similar to the recent India-Japan initiative of the Asia-Africa Growth Corridor. The convergence of strategic interests of the EU and India can be materialized in the most democratic and beneficial way for both.
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Global strategy for the EU – the end of the EU as a normative power?

63%
Czaputowicz J.
Przegląd Europejski
|
2016
|
issue 4(42)
24-36
EN
The article studies the consistency of the global strategy for the EU with the concept of the Union as a normative power. There are concerns, that putting interests above values could compromise the EU’s moral attractiveness. Introduction of “principled pragmatism” as a way of enhancing the resilience of states could question the promotion of democracy as an aim of foreign policy. The comparison of EU global strategy with the NATO Warsaw summit communiqué suggest the latter organisation acquires the features of normative power hitherto associated with the European Union.
PL
Artykuł bada zgodność globalnej strategii UE z koncepcją Unii jako potęgi normatywnej. Istnieją obawy, że postawienie interesów przed wartościami może doprowadzić do utraty przez UE moralnej atrakcyjności. Wprowadzona zasada pryncypialnego pragmatyzmu, która ma na celu umocnienie odporności państw, może skutkować odejściem od promowania demokracji jako celu polityki zagranicznej. Porównanie globalnej strategii z komunikatem ze szczytu NATO w Warszawie wskazuje, że Sojusz Północnoatlantycki nabiera cech potęgi normatywnej, wcześniej utożsamianych z Unią Europejską.
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