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RU
The article discusses transformations of the proverb na złodzieju czapka gore / на воре [и] шапка горит in Polish and Russian-language online media (lexical changes, additions, grammatical modifications, contaminations).
EN
The paper analyses the use of online media to conduct information policy in the parishes of the Roman Catholic Church in the Rzeszów diocese. The basis for the analysis is provided by two co-authored studies on the information policy of priests in the Diocese of Rzeszów conducted jointly with Dr Zbigniew Chmielewski at the turn of 2012 and 2013, and later repeated in 2018. The research was altogether carried out on the basis of similar methodological assumptions, which were implemented in a series of anonymous questionnaires. The paper focuses on the part of the research that concerned the use of Internet-related (online) media in the communication activities of the parish website, as well as social media (both official parish profiles in social media, as well as private profiles of priests).
EN
The goal of the research is to develop a method for measuring topical social information impact on active people through monitoring the dynamics of social networks users interaction. We introduced the concept of interactive potential which can be determined through dynamics curve analysis in order to interact with information. Regular measuring of news’ interactive potential allows tracing the dynamics of social interest in some topics. We used the method to analyze trending topics in Ukrainian media and to describe the dynamics of people’s concern with political life and their readiness for public protests.
EN
The purpose of the article is to describe and analyse the meanings which the media construct in relation to real events (‘événement réel’) by the example of Anders Breivik’s attacks in Norway in 2011. The paper is a comparative analysis of the media productions in three countries – Poland, France and the United Kingdom. The authors use the French Linguistic Discourse Analysis (FLAD) methods to determine the keywords (‘mot vedette’) – the most common words or phrases naming the event – reconstruct referential paradigms (‘paradigme désignationnel’) – the lists of expressions that rephrase the keywords – and then deliberate their social meanings. The article textualizes similarities and differences of the social meanings of the event in different European countries and contemplates the collective memory of Europeans.
EN
The study provides an overview of the basic characteristics of media-mediated communication in three historical stages – the printing age, the broadcasting age, and the current online media technology age. The rupture (discontinuity) between offline and online media-mediated communication established qualitatively new entities and relationships in society in which a wide variety of technologies are in common use – in the field of subject and its normative regulation as well as in the field of cognitive habits and skills of the individual and society as a whole. The consequences are evident in both the technological (cognitive) and technical (habitual) processes of human action, and they can be observed and examined in the field of ontology as well as epistemology and axiology. Thus, the aim of the study is to describe this peculiar environment following media logic in the development of media technologies.
EN
This research study focuses on the problem of populistic propaganda online. In particular, this research study provides three case studies gathered in a Facebook Group of the Italian populistic movement Movimento 5 Stelle. On the one hand, the three case studies provide three powerful counterexamples to the thesis that online media are purposeful aggregator of people. In fact, this research study finds that online media are the perfect environment for populism to thrive. For online media seem to foster the aggregation of people into groups whose main common denominator is the total refusal of anything that opposes the groups’ views. On this basis, this paper provides evidence that online media may impoverish democratic confrontation. On the other hand, this paper finds that the one of the causes of the rapid rise of populistic movements in Western countries might also be related to the problem of cognitive biases. Indeed, the case studies presented in the paper posit the existence of something that is addressed as the trigger effect, i.e. agents’ tendency to react impulsively to any kind of content that fits agent’s views about current events. Specifically, this research study finds that the activation of the trigger effect might be a direct consequence of the activation of the narrow framing bias and of the anchoring heuristic in presence of fake news.
EN
This research study focuses on the problem of populistic propaganda online. In particular, this research study provides three case studies gathered in a Facebook Group of the Italian populistic movement Movimento 5 Stelle. On the one hand, the three case studies provide three powerful counterexamples to the thesis that online media are purposeful aggregator of people. In fact, this research study finds that online media are the perfect environment for populism to thrive. For online media seem to foster the aggregation of people into groups whose main common denominator is the total refusal of anything that opposes the groups’ views. On this basis, this paper provides evidence that online media may impoverish democratic confrontation. On the other hand, this paper finds that the one of the causes of the rapid rise of populistic movements in Western countries might also be related to the problem of cognitive biases. Indeed, the case studies presented in the paper posit the existence of something that is addressed as the trigger effect, i.e. agents’ tendency to react impulsively to any kind of content that fits agent’s views about current events. Specifically, this research study finds that the activation of the trigger effect might be a direct consequence of the activation of the narrow framing bias and of the anchoring heuristic in presence of fake news.
PL
Transformacja krajobrazu medialnego na Ukrainie nie jest procesem łatwym. Jednocześnie zmiany te są bardzo duże i nieodwracalne – podobnie jak zmiany w społeczeństwie ukraińskim. Niniejsza praca porusza problematykę dotyczącą obecnego krajobrazu medialnego Ukrainy i czynników, które mają na niego wpływ. Podjęto w niej kwestie związku mediów z wydarzeniami Euromajdanu i Rewolucji Godności, a także kryzysu tożsamości, który doprowadził do wydarzeń 2013 –2014 r. na Ukrainie. Rola środków masowego przekazu w demokratycznych rewolucjach na Ukrainie jest bardzo ważna. Zmiana pozycji mediów, wpływ oligarchów i opór pracowników mediów – to wszystko było częścią rewolucji, która zmieniła nie tylko ukraińskie społeczeństwo, ale także środki masowego przekazu na lepsze. Dziennikarze jako osoby publiczne byli aktywnymi uczestnikami rewolucji i stali blisko jej początków. Co prawda miało to swój wpływ na specyfikę pracy dziennikarzy, którzy musieli działać w ekstremalnych warunkach, najpierw podczas Rewolucji Godności, a później transmitując wydarzenia na Krymie i wschodniej Ukrainie. Wydarzenia Euromajdanu całkowicie zmieniły sytuację, kładąc kres kryzysowi samoidentyfikacji narodowej. Media nie tylko relacjonowały, ale także tworzyły te zmiany, równocześnie doświadczając restrukturyzacji. Pojawił się nowy typ mediów – tworzony przez zwykłych ludzi, którzy korzystając ze swoich profilów na portalach społecznościowych, upowszechniali informacje o wydarzeniach, komentowali i dzielili się refleksjami.
EN
The process of changing the media landscape in Ukraine cannot be called simple. At the same time, these changes are very large and irreversible - as well as changes in Ukrainian society. This paper deals with the issues related to the present media landscape of Ukraine and the factors that influence it. The work describes the relationship between the media and the events of Euromaidan and the Revolution of Dignity, as well as the identity crisis that led to the events of 2013–2014 in Ukraine. The role of the mass media in the democratic revolutions in Ukraine is very important. The changing position of the media, the influence of the oligarchs, and the resistance of media workers - all of this was a part of the revolution that changed not only Ukrainian society but also the mass media for the better. Journalists, being public figures, were active participants in the revolution and stood close to its roots. Admittedly, this had an impact on the specifics of the work of journalists who had to operate in extreme conditions, first during the Revolution of Dignity, and later broadcasting events in Crimea and eastern Ukraine. The events of the Euromaidan completely changed the situation, putting an end to the crisis of national self-identification. The media not only reflected on but also created these changes while experiencing restructuration. A new type of media has emerged – are ordinary people who, using their profiles in social networks, acted to spread the information about events, commented on them, and shared their reflections.
PL
Celem artykułu jest przeanalizowanie systemu motywowania użytkowników portalu Wiadomości24.pl. W pierwszych dwóch częściach pracy skoncentrowano się na omówieniu materialnych i niematerialnych instrumentów, wykorzystywanych do zachęcania użytkowników serwisu do współtworzenia jego przekazu. Część trzecia ukazuje, w jaki sposób wprowadzone w styczniu 2013 roku zmiany w modelu funkcjonowania portalu, zwłaszcza nadanie mu pozaprasowego charakteru, przyczyniły się do podważenia dotychczasowego systemu motywowania autorów
EN
The objective of this article is an analysis of the Wiadomości24.pl user motivational system. The first two sections concentrate on a discussion of tangible and intangible instruments applied to encourage the news service users to collaborate in its creation. The third section shows how changes introduced in January of 2013 to the service’s model of functioning, especially the application of a non–press character, played a role in disturbing the system for motivating authors.
EN
The present contribution focuses on the discursive strategies used in the Polish online media when they appeal to the feeling of love of the fatherland. The current Polish public discourse on patriotism continues to be marked by historical events such as the three partitions of the country, the uprisings against the invaders, and the two world wars, and the national identity is often perceived through the prism of love for the fatherland. For this reason, in this article the author examines the discursive strategies currently used the Polish national media as well as the meanings that terms such as patriot, patriotism, and patriotic acquire. The corpus-based analysis draws on articles from online newspapers’ archives published by representative Polish media from right, left and liberal center political orientations (wSieci, Do Rzeczy, Krytyka Polityczna, Dziennik Trybuna, Kultura Liberalna and Liberté).
FR
La présente contribution porte sur les stratégies discursives présentes dans le discours des médias numériques qui font appel au sentiment de dévouement envers la patrie. Le discours public polonais reste en étroit rapport avec la mémoire historique de la nation, marquée par les trois partages du pays, par les soulèvements contre les envahisseurs et par les guerres mondiales. Tout cela a certainement influé sur la représentation de l’identité, souvent perçue à travers le prisme de l’amour pour la patrie. Pour cette raison, nous nous proposons d’examiner les stratégies discursives présentes dans le discours de la presse nationale d’actualité afin d’étudier l’emploi des termes « patriote », « patriotisme » et « patriotique » dans la presse polonaise. Nous nous appuierons sur un corpus d’articles publiés en ligne par des titres représentatifs de la presse numérique dont l’orientation politique est soit de droite, soit de gauche, soit de centre libéral (wSieci, Do Rzeczy, Krytyka Polityczna, Dziennik Trybuna, Kultura Liberalna et Liberté).
EN
De-journalism as a unique 21st century phenomenon allows every literate person to create and publish messages similar to those created and published by journalistic professionals. It affects not only media content but also form of the media messages. Thus, media language has been changed as a whole. The very language plays a key role here, as language influences cognitive habits and skills of the media audience. A simple superficial language leads to simple superficial thinking, a sophisticated or abstract language leads to sophisticated or abstract thinking. On the other side, the media language itself is influenced by publishing platform (blogs, vlogs, web pages, social networks) as well as technological nature of contemporary semantic devices. Therefore, it is necessary to pay attention to the media language. This study introduces the phenomenon of de-journalism and its linguistic aspect within the case study of literary criticism.
PL
Dedziennikarstwo (słow. dežurnalistika) jako wyjątkowe zjawisko XXI wieku, które pozwala każdej piśmiennej osobie tworzyć i publikować wiadomości podobne do tych tworzonych i publikowanych przez profesjonalnych dziennikarzy, wpływa nie tylko na treść, lecz także na formę komunikatów medialnych, a więc również na ich język. Wpływ ten uznajemy za kluczowy, poprzez język bowiem najsilniej kształtuje się nawyki poznawcze i umiejętności odbiorców mediów. Z jednej strony prosty język przyczynia się do powierzchownego myślenia, natomiast język wyszukany lub abstrakcyjny - do myślenia abstrakcyjnego, z drugiej jednak strony językowy kształt komunikatów jest zależny do typu działalności internetowej (blogi, vlogi, strony internetowe, sieci społecznościowe) oraz technologicznych możliwości i ograniczeń współczesnych urządzeń służących do komunikacji. W artykule opisano językowe aspekty dedziennikarstwa na przykładzie krytyki literackiej.
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