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PL
Celem artykułu jest ukazanie roli miast prywatnych na tle sieci miejskiej województw kaliskiego i poznańskiego w XV i XVI w. Dla XV stulecia dokonano podziału ośrodków na cztery kategorie z wykorzystaniem kryteriów ilościowych i jakościowych. Dla schyłku wieku XVI zaproponowano rozwinięcie wyliczeń Jacka Wiesiołowskiego na podstawie szerszej podstawy źródłowej. Zestawienie wyników tych dwóch zabiegów posłużyło do ich wzajemnej weryfikacji oraz wskazania zmian w sieci miejskiej XVI stulecia. Spojrzenie przez pryzmat dokonanej klasyfikacji na tę sieć oraz na dynamikę procesu lokacyjnego zamyka niniejsze rozważania.
PL
For years, the route followed by the Polish-Lithuanian army on its way to Grunwald in 1410 has been arousing controversy as the sources do not allow for its clear-cut determination.From the moment when Jagiello’s army crossed the Vistula river at Czerwińsk (3rd July) until it reached the fields of Grunwald only some of its halting-places are known. The passagefrom Dąbrówno to the battlefield covered on the 15th of July is given special attention in the historians’ discussion. S. Ekdahl claims that the Polish-Lithuanian army pitched a camp tothe north of Dąbrówno and stormed the town from that direction. Other historians incline towards the opinion that the army’s camp was situated to the south of Dabrówno, near the village Kalbornia. As a consequence they assume that the town was also attacked from the south. A few routes of the march from Dąbrówno to the site where the battle was supposed to take place were suggested in the present literature. According to S. Ekdahl, Jagiello’s army moved from the camp situated to the north of Dąbrówno to the east through Samin to stop near Grunwald. In the newest monograph of the 1409-1411 war it was stated that Jagiello’s army got to Grunwald by a route running through previously captured Dąbrówno and later on through Samin to Grunwald Jagiello’s army, after breaking up its camp at Kolbornia, moved east to turn north after a few kilometres and continue its march through Osiekowo, Łodgowo. A. Nadolski did not agree with those assumptions as he believed that from the camp in Dąbrówno the army headed for Turowo and then marched north towards Mielno circumventing the Ulnowo Lake from the east. The author of the article propounds a hypothesis that Jagiello’s army could act both to the north and south of Dąbrówno where the main camp of the Polish-Lithuanian forces was situated. He also considers that the conception of S. Kuczyński criticised by A. Nadolski and S. Ekdahl concerning the final phase of the march should still be taken into consideration as very probable. The author believes that there was no serious discussion on the Grunwald campaign during the last twenty years in Poland. Both the last monograph of the 1409–1411war and this article show that a new view on that topic is still possible.
PL
In the article I tried to present those of Polish knights whom the “Great War” brought measurable benefits, whose political and clerical careers were boosted and fortunes increased. They achieved that thanks to King Wladyslaw Jagiello who knew how to appreciate people serving him faithfully as well as those who proved courageous in that great campaign. In the per iod from the middle of July 1410 to the middle of March 1411, the king rewarded 23 knights bestowing them with 10 villages and charging the crown land with the sum of 2310 grzywnas which meant that the goods were actually transferred into a private property. Adding the bestowals from the autumn of 1411, which can be associated with the Great War, we will have 26 rewarded and the amount of grzywnas will increase to 3310. Among thebestowed included were indigent knights as well as magnates who came from all over the Kingdom of Poland, although the majority was from Małopolska. A dozen of people who weregranted offices or were promoted should be also included into the circle of the beneficiaries. In both cases this certainly was not everyone. Analysing the later careers of the knights, theheroes of the war enumerated in Jan Długosz’s chronicle, one thing can be noticed i.e. the king felt a sentimental attachment to those knights who fought in the battle of Grunwald, especially those who were exceptionally courageous and did not spare their own blood in the battle. Those of whose reward we do not know could later on count on the king’s clemency. The majority of the knights who courageously fought in the first ranks during the battle of Grunwald and Koronowo took land offices, starosties or were taken in the court by clemency of the king in the later years. The battlefields of “the Great War” turned out to be a kind of “purgatory” for those knights who had formerly fallen into disgrace (e.g. Jakub from Kobylany, Mikołaj Chrząstowski). Finally, it is necessary to mention the largest group of “the Great War” beneficiaries, unfortunately almost entirely anonymous, namely hundreds of knights who enriched themselves with trophies obtained during the campaign.
PL
The author of the article explores the onomastic conceptions of the battle of Grunwald appearing in the Lithuanian literature. The name „Žalgirio mūšis,” which is a translation ofthe German “Grünwald” into Lithuanian, was adopted. The author discuses the works of the Lithuanian historians which were developed in a strong opposition to the Polish apprehensionwritten by Karol Szajnocha. The main reason for the criticism of Szajnocha’s work, as well as of numerous other Polish studies, was that they uncritically adopted Długosz’s version about theLithuanians’ abandonment of the battlefield. The Lithuanian historiography has always been sensitively reacting to any attempts of belittling the importance of the Lithuanian army andVytautas’ role in the battle of Grunwald. Instead, the Lithuanian historians were developing a conception of a diversionary flight manoeuvre which was generally accepted before SvenEkdahl published the famous letter of a Teutonic commander. For a long time, a thesis that the Polish army was unwilling to fight and the whole burden of combat in the battle of Grunwaldwas borne by the Lithuanians was prevailing in many works of the Lithuanian historians. The author shows that the tense Polish-Lithuanian relationships during the interwar period had influence on the historiography. The Lithuanian literature attaches much importance to the account of Bychowiec’s Chronicle which is usually disregarded by the Polish historians and considered rather unreliable. With the course of time, analyses of various aspects of the battle conducted mainly from the military point of view, started to appear (the place of the battle, the route of the march, the strength of the army, the ar t of the war fare and thecourse of the battle). Many aspects, i.e. the strength of the army, are still discussed in the works of the Lithuanian authors. In the most recent literature the issue of the diversionaryflight manoeuvre still arouses controversy. The manoeuvre is almost commonly accepted as a historic fact, however, the historians dispute whether the Lithuanians culled it from theTatars or was it an immanent feature of their art of war fare. The author concludes his article with a discussion of the latest treaties by M. Jučas, R. Batūra, E. Gudavičius, K. Gudmantas, R.Petrauskas. The significant role of the Lithuanians in the initial and final stages of the battle is contemporarily commonly accepted. The author concludes that for a long time theLithuanian historiography has been presenting the battle of Grunwald as an epoch-making event that led to the destruction of the power of the Teutonic Order.
PL
The author of the article presents an in-depth analysis of nar rative sources about the battle, namely: “The chronicle of the conflict between Wladyslaw, King of Poland and the TeutonicKnights” (“Kronika konfliktu Władysława króla polskiego z krzyżakami”), “Continuation” of the Teutonic chronicle of Johann von Posilge, a comprehensive description by Długosz in the9th book of his Yearbooks (Roczniki) as well as the account of so-called Toruń Annalist. The author confronts this analysis with the findings published in the most impor tant works ofPolish historians, archaeologists and historical geographers. Particularly controversial is the issue of the armies’ strength. The author believes that the calculations presented in the morerecent literature, especially those per taining to the Teutonic army, are not reliable. He also indicates that the issue of the number of casualties in both armies should be re-discussed. Theauthor depicts the battle on the basis of narrative sources from which he tr ies to pick up the elements that could have come from the witnesses and participants of the battle and separatethem from the authors’ own combinations. “The chronicle of the conflict” does not provide any details concerning the strength of the Jagiellonian and Teutonic armies, shows some omissionsin recounting the episodes of the battle known from Długosz’s account and generally perceived as authentic. It does not provide any information on the fall of the gonfalone with the eagleduring the encounter of the Great Chorągiew of Cracow. No mention of the heroic behaviour of the Smolensk Chorągiew and of the abandonment of the battlefield by the mercenary CzechChorągiew (events accepted by the Polish historians) need to be enumerated among the most important omissions of “The chronicle.” The Teutonic “Continuation” and the account of theToruń Annalist are characterised by brevity consisting in using just a couple of sentences to describe a day-long battle. Długosz created his depiction of the battle of Grunwald when notonly the outcome of the Great War had already been known but also the effect of all other wars with the Teutonic Order, including the Thirteen Years’ War (1454–66). While the author of“The chronicle” wanted to create the account mainly of the facts, Długosz wanted to describe the reasons as well. He blamed Vytautus and the Lithuanians as well as a couple of Cracovianmagnates for the withdrawal form the siege of Malbork. He could not, however, decide whom to blame for the course of the battle of Grunwald. The author of the article believes that Długosz gives the same account of the battle as “The chronicle of the conflict,” but he falsely described the stance of the Lithuanian army failing to mention an extremely important fact i.e. the return of the Lithuanian army to the battlefield. Initially, the Cracovian historian also falsely described the alleged passivity of the king towards the approaching Teutonic army, on the morning of the 15th of July. From the whole Długosz’s descr iption emerges an image of a king skilfully commanding his army.
PL
The author of the article shows that both the Polish and Lithuanian historiography pays great attention to the opinion of Jan Długosz on Prince Vytautas the Great. The reason for this interest is the fact that Jan Długosz devoted a lot of space to Prince Vytautas, presenting his activity during an extended period of time (1376–1430) and, in his description of the 1410 campaign, depicted a highly ambiguous picture of the Prince of Lithuania. The Polish and Lithuanian literature assumes that Prince Vytautas played an extremely significant role in the preparation and the course of the Great War of Poland and Lithuania with the Teutonic Order whose climaxwas the battle of Grunwald. It is generally known that the Prince participated in that battle in person. The author of the article discusses the development of the Lithuanian research onthe activity of Prince Vytautas. Three aspects of forming evaluation of Vytautas the Great in the time of the 1410 military campaign are visible in Długosz’s opinion: military, moral andpolitico-diplomatic. Długosz also evaluates the army of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania which participated in the battle of Grunwald. The literature on the topic underlines that Długosz’sdescription of the battle of Grunwald is one of the most exhaustive portrayals of Vytautas as a warrior and leader preserved in the medieval sources. The author concludes that Długosz presents an extraordinarily positive opinion about Prince Vytautas with reference to the battle of Grunwald while his evaluation of the Lithuanian army and its alleged abandonmentof the battlefield are definitely negative. In the description of the next stages of the 1410 campaign, Długosz’s opinion about Prince Vytautas undergoes a radical change which was supposed to stem from the change of the Prince’s politics towards Poland and the Teutonic Order. From a staunch ally and the commander of the battle of Grunwald he transforms into a politician interested solely in the welfare of Lithuania, insincere towards Poland or even plotting with the Teutonic Knights against Poland. Długosz, who in 1410 wished to make the most of the Grunwald victory, wrongly blames Prince Vytautas for ruining the opportunity of capturing Malbork.
PL
Już co najmniej od XIX w. w badaniach nad uzbrojeniem wykorzystywane są źródła ikonograficzne. Dzieła sztuki pozwalają nam również wniknąć w świat nieoświetlony zazwyczaj przez źródła materialne: mentalności, wiary, przesądów. Z ilustracją takiej sytuacji mamy prawdopodobnie do czynienia również w wypadku fresków w kościele p.w. św. Marcina w podżagańskim Wichowie. Malowidła z Wichowa mogły powstać na podstawie malarstwa tablicowego, lub pewniej miniaturowego. Kompozycja interesującego nas Ukrzyżowania nawiązuje do form znanych z czeskich oraz śląskich rękopisów iluminowanych z przełomu XIV i XV stulecia oraz początków wieku XV. Według poznańskiej badaczki pozwala to uznać je za dzieło miejscowej twórczości cechowej rozwijane na użytek dydaktyki w kościołach parafialnych. W niniejszym tekście interesować będzie nas przede wszystkim występująca w scenie Ukrzyżowania Chrystusa tarcza, którą dzierży wskazujący na Ukrzyżowanego dowódca jego oprawców. Na trójkątnego kształtu zabytku wyobrażono twarz brodatego mężczyzny o satyrycznie powiększonych oczach i nosie. Typologicznie tarcza mieści się w formach trójkątnych, występujących głównie w XIII i XIV w. Ich występowanie w wieku XV nie powinno jednak dziwić, gdyż były one jako tarcze funeralne używane również w tym czasie.
PL
Trzynasty wiek był nie tylko świetlanym okresem panowania ostatnich królów charyzmatycznej dynastii Przemyślidów, ale także okresem stopniowej i długotrwałej transformacji ziem Królestwa Czeskiego, która zasadniczo zmieniła jego wygląd i sposób życia jego mieszkańców. Oprócz ukonstytuowania się szlachty jako grupy społecznej reprezentowanej przez różnorodne symbole wizualne, jednym z przejawów tej przemiany było zastąpienie wczesnośredniowiecznych grodów nowymi kamiennymi zamkami. Wysokie średniowieczne zamki, w przeciwieństwie do swoich poprzedników, miały bardziej zróżnicowane spektrum funkcji, które dodatkowo różniły się w zależności od poszczególnych przypadków. Zamki wczesnego średniowiecza w rozmaity sposób łączyły swoją główną funkcję mieszkalną z funkcjami wojskowymi, centrotwórczymi, administracyjnymi, gospodarczymi, prawnymi i symbolicznymi. Celem artykułu jest nie tylko przedstawienie skomplikowanych początków zamków w północnozachodnich Czechach (dzisiejszy region Ústí), ale także próba opisu tendencji rozwojowych architektury zamkowej aż do późnego średniowiecza. W swojej pracy autor skupił się na opisie i interpretacji kilku kluczowych obiektów oraz na zarysie ogólnych trendów.
EN
The oldest royal and nobility castles appear in Northwestern Bohemia in the 2nd third of the 13th century. Builders mainly use castles with a Bergfried and a palace or with a donjon, regular castle dispositions remain limited to the environment of royal cities. However, the growth in construction of nobility castles did not occur until the reign of John the Blind, when many of them were built as fief castles. During the 14th century we can observe different tendencies in the construction of castles. There are more sophisticated mansions, where a large palace stands as the main building. In the last quarter of the 14th century we can already observe decline in the use of defensive components. The direction of the castle architecture towards comfortable settlements was disrupted by the Hussite wars and the massive development of firearms. During the war years in Bohemia, an ingenious architecture was being created using both passive and active defence means, which spread throughout Europe and formed one of the sources of inspiration for modern bastion fortresses. After the Hussite wars, we see tendencies aimed at improving the quality of residential and representational components. The purpose of this article is not only to present the complicated beginnings of castles in northwestern Bohemia (today’s Ústí region), but also to attempt to describe the development trends of castle architecture until the late Middle Ages. In his work, the author focused on the description and interpretation of several key objects and on the outline of general trends.
EN
A Late medieval motte-and-bailey timber castle in Gieczno was recognized by an analysis of the LiDAR derived Digital Terrain Model in 2014. The stronghold’s remnants are situated in the Moszczenica River valley, on a small hillock – most probably the residual terrace. It is preserved as a small mound, elevated no more then 1,5 m above the surrounding floodplain in the bottom of the valley. The mound has dimensions of 31 x 33 m and an area of about 890 m2. It is surrounded by a moat, about 8 to 10 m wide, and an adjacent low rampart not exceeding the height of 0.5 in relation to the bottom of the moat. The course of the rampart is interrupted in the south-eastern part. Another small, oval hillock with dimensions of approximately 23.4 x 37.9 m is noticeable there. This find should be interpreted as remains of a motte and bailey castle with an economic area which supplemented the mound. In 2015, a field investigation was run by Jerzy Sikora from the Institute of Archaeology of University of Łódź. During two weeks of field work, two trenches were explored: Trench 1 (with dimensions of 1,5 x 35 m) cut the mound from its center to the South through the moat and the outer rampart in order to obtain a cross section of the feature. Trench 2 (with dimensions of 12 x 1,5 m) was situated on the hillock (supposedly – motte) with the aim to recognize its stratigraphy. During the excavation, a collection of Late Medieval potsherds was obtain (1472 pieces) together with a small number of metal finds, bones, slag pieces and a carved wooden artefact – a part of the Late Medieval furniture piece. An analysis of the collection helped to establish its chronology to the 14th and first half of 15th centuries. The collection was distinguished by a significant number of potsherds made with the use of traditional methods and a relatively low amount of potsherds fired in a reducing (oxidizing) atmosphere. This indicates ties with the local, rural workshops rather than with the advanced manufacturing known in towns. The excavations of the Gieczno stronghold revealed two phases of the feature: • Phase I – the timber ringwork, protected with a small inner rampart, a palisade, a moat and an outer rampart can be dated by the radiocarbon analysis supported by an analysis of the finds to the 1st quarter of the14th century.
PL
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EN
The article aims to analyse issues related to the perception of the age of majority in Polish towns in the fifteenth and first decades of the sixteenth century. Attaining the age of majority, i.e. the age of discretion (Latin: anni discretionis) was regulated by law, and the term appears regularly in the registers of municipal courts and higher courts of German law. Therefore, the analysis of the source material makes it possible to reconstruct the process of coming of age together with the rights and obligations related to it and allows us to observe differences and similarities in treating adolescent girls and boys.
PL
Celem artykułu jest analiza zagadnień związanych z postrzeganiem granicy pełnoletności w miastach polskich w XV i pierwszych dekadach XVI w. Osiągnięcie pełnoletności, czyli lat sprawnych (anni discretionis) było regulowane prawem, a termin ten występuje regularnie w rejestrach sądów miejskich i sądów wyższych prawa niemieckiego. Analiza materiału źródłowego umożliwia zatem odpowiedź na pytanie, jak wyglądał w praktyce proces wchodzenia w pełnoletność, jakie wiązały się z tym prawa i obowiązki oraz pozwala zaobserwować różnice i podobieństwa w sposobie traktowania dorastających dziewcząt i chłopców.
EN
The article focuses on the collection of 17 brooches stored in the Archaeological and Historical Museum in Stargard. They are dated to the 13th and 14th centuries. Their form and ornament match ring brooches which are being discovered in the Baltic region and in the area where Hanseatic trade was conducted. The majority of the Stargard objects were recovered during archaeological excavations.
EN
The subject of this article are the synods of the Gniezno metropolis and the Prussian and Franconian dioceses of 1378-1449. As a rule, diocesan synods lasted 2-3 days, and their course was determined both by the norms of ecclesiastical law and the synodal liturgy provided for by episcopal Pontificals. On the other hand, it is difficult to indicate specific rules regarding the duration of provincial synods, which sometimes lasted even a week or more. Out of the 71 diocesan synods discussed here, only 35 have their statutes preserved, while from the 17 provincial synods discussed here, statutes have survived only of six. Most of the synod resolutions dealt with pastoral ministry, the life and customs of the clergy, and the religious life of the faithful. In most dioceses, “synodal books” (Libri synodales) were written during this period.
PL
Przedmiotem niniejszego artykułu są synody metropolii gnieźnieńskiej oraz diecezji pruskich i frankońskich z lat 1378-1449. Z reguły synody diecezjalne trwały 2-3 dni, a ich przebieg wynikał zarówno z norm prawa kościelnego, jak i liturgii synodalnej, jaką przewidywały biskupie pontyfikały. Natomiast trudno wskazać na konkretne reguły dotyczące trwania synodów prowincjonalnych, które niekiedy trwały nawet tydzień lub dłużej. Na 71 omawianych tu synodów diecezjalnych, tylko dla 35 spośród nich zachowały się wydane na nich statuty. Natomiast na 17 omawianych tu synodów prowincjonalnych, statuty zachowały się jedynie dla sześciu. Najwięcej miejsca w uchwałach synodalnych zajmowały kwestie duszpasterstwa, życia i obyczajów duchownych oraz życia religijnego wiernych. W większości diecezji w tym okresie powstały „księgi synodalne” (Libri synodales). 
EN
The subject of this paper are the synods of the Gniezno metropolis as well as the Prussian and Franconian dioceses of 1378-1449. According to the preserved sources, 71 diocesan synods took place during that period, including 43 in the metropolis of Gniezno, 15 in the Prussian dioceses, and 13 in the Franconian dioceses as well as 17 provincial synods (14 in the metropolis of and 3 in the metropolis of Riga). The frequency of synods in individual dioceses confirms that after the period of stagnation that began in the mid-fourteenth century, there was a significant synodal revival in the first half of the fifteenth century, especially during the Council of Basel, and then of Florence and Rome.
PL
Przedmiotem niniejszego artykułu są synody metropolii gnieźnieńskiej oraz diecezji pruskich i frankońskich z lat 1378-1449. Z zachowanych źródeł wynika, że w okresie tym odbyło się 71 synodów diecezjalnych, z czego w metropolii gnieźnieńskiej – 43, w diecezjach pruskich – 15 i w diecezjach frankońskich – 13, a także zwołano 17 synodów prowincjonalnych (w metropolii gnieźnieńskiej – 14 i w metropolii ryskiej – 3). Częstotliwość synodów w poszczególnych diecezjach potwierdza, że po okresie pewnego zastoju, który występował od połowy XIV wieku, nastąpiło znaczne ożywienie synodalne w pierwszej połowie XV wieku, a zwłaszcza w okresie trwania soboru w Bazylei, a potem we Florencji i w Rzymie.
EN
The paper deals with a late medieval longsword found during recent excavations at Lutomiersk-Koziówki, Pabianice County. The slender, hexagonal blade tapering acutely towards the point was identified as a late variaton of Oakeshott’s type XVII, the smooth-surfaced, slightly elongated pommel represents type T3, while the simple guard square in cross-section with convolute both ends pertains type 1a. The carried out analyzes of organic, heavily-mineralized residues found on the weapons surface were identified as remains of a scabbard and grip fittings.The handle cladding was made of ash wood and the scabbard slats of spruce wood. The scabbard was coated with sheepskin of high quality. A piece of fabric, which was lifted from the sword’s surface, was qualified as silk and considered as coming from an attire of Italian origin. Quantative chemical composition and possible method of blade’s manufacture are also presented and discussed, as well as the conservation process, which the artifact underwent.
EN
Hand defenses from the early 1420s consisted of plate gauntlets whose elements were riveted to the leather base. First mentions about gauntlets created from small metal plates appeared in the last decade of the 13th c. One of gives a description about gauntlets made by the armourers in Paris in 1296, which were made in the same manner as coat-of-plates. Metal plates were riveted to the textile or leather base or between layers of material. In form they were familiar to the pieces which can often be seen on illuminations or tombstones from first quarter of the 14th c. in Western Europe. They remained in common use until the third quarter of this century. Around the year 1350 demi-gauntlets similar in shape to hourglass appeared. They were usually created from one piece of metal. They protected the wrist and had usually anatomically formed metacarpus. Fingers were protected by small overlapping metal scales riveted to the leather stripes which were attached to the gauntlet’s metacarpus. After the year 1370, demi-gauntlets became the dominant form of hand protection.
PL
W przeciągu XV w. i w początkach wieku XVI pawężnicy stanowili mur chroniący oddziały strzelcze, będąc tym samym grupą najbardziej narażoną i w domyśle elitarną. Przerwanie ich linii w wielu wypadkach było zapewne początkiem końca oddziału. Stąd też można przypuszczać, iż na pawężnikach wywierano szczególną presję związaną z jakością noszonego przez nich uzbrojenia. W badaniach nad zbrojami pawężników pomocne są szczególnie źródła pisane. Korzystając z materiału zebranego przez T. Grabarczyka oraz A. Bołdyrewa, można podsumować statystycznie używane przez nich uzbrojenie. Pośród 1776 pawężników o określonym uzbrojeniu, 576 (32,4%) miało hełmy. W następnej kolejności należy wymienić 487 osób z myszką lub parą myszek, 250 walczących miało zaś szynkę/szynki, czyli osłonę nogi. Jedynie 35 zaciężnych chroniły rękawice płytowe, ośmiu napierśnik, pięciu obojczyk, trzech kirys i dwóch kolczugi. Liczba żołnierzy niechronionych oscyluje w granicach 30%. Wiedzę o uzbrojeniu pawężników warto również poszerzyć o ikonografię: malowidła ścienne z kościoła św. Wawrzyńca ze Strzelnik, poliptyk z kościoła Joannitów ze Stargardu, Poliptyk Legnicki, Pasję z toruńskiego kościoła św. Jakuba. We wszystkich przypadkach pawężnicy mają pełne zbroje płytowe. Na obrazie Oblężenie Malborka z Dworu Artusa w Gdańsku zauważyć można około 25 pawężników, z których tylko jeden nagi nie ma hełmu. W 11 przypadkach hełmowi towarzyszy podbródek lub obojczyk, w 14 ochrona tułowia, a w 12 – płytowe osłony nóg. 14 z walczących ma również pełne osłony rąk. Baltazar Behem w swoim Kodeksie przedstawił dwóch pawężników w saladach. Szyję jednej z postaci ochrania kołnierz wykonany z kolczugi, w drugim przypadku jedynie tekstylny kaptur. Korpusy obu żołnierzy chronią napierśniki, ręce zaś – pełne naręczaki i rękawice. Na pochodzącym z 1. poł. XVI w. obrazie Bitwa pod Orszą widzimy maszerujące dwie grupy pawężników. Masa postaci i rozmiar tarcz utrudnia rozpoznanie uzbrojenia ochronnego, w związku z czym powiedzieć można jedynie, że najprawdopodobniej wszyscy oni noszą na głowach hełmy, a na ramionach obojczyki. Można jedynie przypuszczać, iż ówcześni artyści nie brali udziału w walkach, nie znali w pełni realiów pola bitwy. Obraz pawężnika nie musiał być w pełni wiarygodnym oddaniem jakiejś postaci, a ideą. Stąd, jako znacząca formacja, najczęściej byli zakuci w stal niczym elita rycerstwa.
EN
The article deals with the issue of Lubeck law applied in Prussian cities during the Middle Ages and the Renaissance period. It presents the current state of research on court law. Existing and lost sources of Lubeck’s law were mentioned. The article also points out the deficiencies in the field of judicial law and source studies. The paper also outlined research perspectives. From the research perspectives, studies on the content of these sources seem to be very promising. They can help in researching the everyday life of townspeople, their mentality and problems completely neglected by literature, including fire and construction regulations and specific legal issues (including penal systems).
PL
Artykuł podejmuje kwestię prawa lubeckiego stosowanego w miastach pruskich w okresie średniowiecza i renesansu. Przedstawiono w nim stan badań nad prawem sądowym. Wymieniono istniejące oraz zaginione źródła prawa lubeckiego. Zwrócono również uwagę na braki w opracowaniach z dziedziny prawa sądowego oraz studiów źródłoznawczych. W artykule naszkicowano również perspektywy badawcze, z których bardzo obiecujące wydają się studia na treścią owych źródeł. Mogą one pomóc w badaniach nad życiem codziennym mieszczan i ich mentalnością a także w przypadku problemów zupełnie zaniedbanych przez literaturę. w tym przepisów przeciwpożarowych czy budowlanych oraz konkretnych kwestii prawnych (np. systemów penalnych).
EN
The purpose of the paper is to analyse the question of clergy ordinations in Prussian dioceses in the Late Middle Ages (14th – 1st half of 16th c.). The conditions for ordination and its procedure are discussed, as well as the documentation related to it. The second part of the paper contains an analysis of the only known listing of the ordained from the area of Prussia, coming from the Pomezanian diocese and dated to 1480-1481. Its edition is included, along some other sources related to ordinations.
PL
Celem artykułu jest analiza problematyki święceń duchowieństwa w diecezjach pruskich w późnym średniowieczu (XIV – I poł. XVI wieku). Omówiono warunki przystąpienia do święceń i proces ordynacji, a także związaną z nim dokumentację. Istotną częścią artykułu jest także analiza jedynego znanego wykazu wyświęconych z terenu Prus, pochodzącego z diecezji pomezańskiej i datowanego na lata 1480-1481. Został on wydany w edycji, obok kilku innych źródeł dotyczących święceń.
EN
The article presents current results of the archaeobotanical investigation of materials from the cultural layers that represent the late medieval Puck. Based on them, an interesting picture of a small town emerges, which intensively developed after achieving its municipal status. This is evidenced not only by historical data and archaeological finds, but also by a significant proportion of synanthropic plants, including those typical of ruderal habitats. It can be assumed that the degree of transformation of separate parts of the town was not identical, and the local authorities tried to keep the most representative part of Puck, which was the market square, tidy. The presence of segetal weeds can be explained by importing agricultural products to Puck, which indirectly indicates the use of cereals as an article of trade and/or diet. The swamps in the surrounding of the town were transformed over time into various types of meadows and pastures, which constituted a source of fodder or other materials used within the parcels. Remains of consumption plants indicate the significant role of local products, through which the diet of Puck residents seems to have been characteristic of a moderately prosperous society. However, traces of figs, preserved in surprisingly large quantities, are proof of the import of exotic products to town. Only part of the inhabitants could have had access to them. In the case of parcels 123, 156, or 168, it can be assumed that their owners constituted a richer group having contacts, e.g. with Gdańsk.
EN
The article presents an assemblage of the late medieval pottery from Polanów, a small city in Koszalin commune, found during development work between Mokra and Zamkowa Streets.
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