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PL
Nowe studium nad edukacją w późnym antyku: Elżbieta Szabat, Wprowadzenie do badań nad edukacją u schyłku starożytności (V-VII w.); Prozopografia środowisk szkolnych, w: Chrześcijaństwo u schyłku starożytności. Studia źródłoznawcze, t. VI, red. P. Janiszewski, E. Wipszycka. R. Wiśniewski, Warszawa 2007, s. 110–319
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PL
Letter 130 is written by Jerome to Demetrias, a member of a noble Roman family, who took the decision to live in chastity when the day of her wedding was close. It happened indramatic circumstances, after Rome had been taken by Alaric, when, as many other Romans, she fled to Africa with her family. In this letter Jerome repeats the suggestions presentedin Letter 22. Taking into consideration the high social and material status of the addressee, he emphasizes that, when she inherits the family fortune, she should not devote the moneyto building magnificent churches, but to helping the poor, especially the monks and nuns in  monasteries. He also warns Demetrias against the teaching of heretics, especially against themistakes of Origen and Pelagius. Letter 107 was sent to Laeta, Paula’s daughter-in-law, who had just given birth to a babygirl. Jerome is convinced that marriage and having children is justified as long as the children are devoted to God. Therefore he sketches out the rules that should guide the whole processof upbringing of Paula the Younger, including her literary education. Letter 107 is admired as a text that presents a new Jerome, tender in his love of children and ready to engage ina dialogue with them. There are fragments that reveal his pedagogical insight and intuition. For his concept of upbringing he adapted the suggestions and instructions of Quintilian andhe often paraphrases quotes from Institutio Oratoria.In Letter 128 Jerome writes to Gaudentius. The letter contains some advice concerning the upbringing of Pacatula, whom her father dedicated to a life of virginity. The backgroundof the severe educational programme is the image of the world falling in ruin, when the whole western part of the Roman Empire is devastated by the barbarian raids, and Rome has been sacked by Alaric. As a moralist and spiritual guide, Jerome uses the instability and fear characterizing the life of the epoch as an argument for the necessity of renouncing the worldand living in asceticism. He teaches what principles should guide an inexperienced girl dedicated to virginity before she herself knows the difference between the good and the evil.The discussed texts of St. Jerome are part of the vast literary heritage concerning virginity that was left by the Fathers of the Church of the 4th century. At that time, the interest in the theological aspect of celibacy was caused by the fact that, after the persecution had ceased, Christianity began to promote a new model of sainthood. Still martyrs received the greatest awe, but the important second place was given to the ascetics, in whoselives chastity was perceived as the crucial virtue.
Zeszyty Prawnicze
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2019
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vol. 19
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issue 1
153-172
EN
This article discusses a Late Roman Greek Christian epitaph discovered in ancient Tomis (now the Romanian city of Constanţa: SEG 19-463 = IGLR no 47 = SEG 28-625). This epitaph commemorates a certain Ὠδυσιτᾶνος βικάρι(ο)ς Markellos. I summarise the discussion concerning Markellos and his ofce. According to the Romanian scholar Ion Barnea and some modern scholars, Markellos might have been the vicarius of Odessos (modern Varna) who governed the provinces of Moesia Secunda and Scythia Minor in the period between the abolition of the office of vicarius for Trace in the late 5th century and the establishment of the quaestura Iustiniana exercitus in 536 AD. The Bulgarian scholars Velizar Velkov and Veselin Beševliev claim that Markellos was a clergyman born in Odessos who died in Tomis – and this opinion is widely held, while according to the Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire Markellos might have been the deputy of a military officer from Odessos. In my opinion Markellos most probably came from Odessos, but it is impossible to ascertain what kind of vicarius he could have been. I conclude my article with an observation that this inscription is a good example of the importance and limitations of juridical epigraphy, showing the need for modern epigraphical methods in Roman law studies.
PL
Tekst analizuje późnorzymskie chrześcijańskie epitafium w języku greckim, znalezione w rumuńskim mieście Constanţa (starożytne Tomis: SEG 19-463 = IGLR no 47 = SEG 28-625). Upamiętnia ono Markellosa, który był Ὠδυσιτᾶνος βικάρι(ο)ς. Autor streszcza dyskusję poświęconą Markellosowi i urzędowi, który pełnił. Według rumuńskiego badacza Ion Barnea i niektórych innych uczonych Markellos mógł być wikariuszem Odessos (współczesna Warna), który zarządzał dolnodunajskimi prowincjami Mezja Sekunda i Scytia Mniejsza w okresie pomiędzy likwidacją wiakriatu Tracji w końcu V wieku a utworzeniem quaestura Iustiniana exercitus w 536 r. Bułgarscy badacze Velizar Velkov i Veselin Beševliev sformułowali najpopularniejszy dzisiaj pogląd, że Markellos był wikariuszem w strukturach kościelnych, urodzonym w Odessos, który zmarł w Tomis. Odosobnioną hipotezę zaprezentowano w Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire; według niej Markellos mógł być vicarius, zastępcą trybuna wojsk rzymskich z Odessos. Autor dowodzi, że najprawdopodobniej Markellos urodził się w Odessos ale nie można przekonywująco ustalić jakim był rodzajem wikariusza. W konkluzjach podkreśla, że inskrypcja jest przykładem znaczenia i ograniczeń epigrafiki prawniczej, wskazując na potrzebę wykorzystywania metod współczesnej epigrafki w badaniach nad prawem rzymskim.
EN
Organization of the armies of the barbarian states that emerged on the coasts of the Mediterranean Sea in the 5th and 6th centuries can only partially be recon­structed. Primary sources and archeological records vary depending on the state. The preserved evidence relating to the military power of the Vandals and Goths is relatively good, much less is known about the Svevs. All of the discussed barbar­ian armies were presumably grouped into units based on ten. Better insight can only be provided into the top military ranks. An interesting issue presented in the thesis is to what degree the former tribal structures were preserved and how far the Roman models were followed by the barbaric people. None of the armies of the kingdoms referred to above can fully be compared with the Germanic army that existed in the north of the Medieval Europe, which inevitably leads to sub­stantive errors. All the foregoing kingdoms had armies mostly composed of native warriors which, however, did not guarantee their purely Germanic character. The author tries to determine to what extent the Roman population or inhabitants of certain provinces, e.g. the Moors joined the military organizations of kingdoms under the Germanic rule. Examples of the Roman officers and commanders who sought carrier in the Gothic army or representatives of subdued nations serving in the Vandals’ navy or auxiliaries encourage to perform further study in this field.
Vox Patrum
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2015
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vol. 63
307-329
EN
In this article I am describing how Roman panegyric’s writers of Late Antiquity (XII Panegyrici Latini, Claudius Claudianus, Sidonius Apollinaris, Flavius Merobaudes, Priscian, Ennodius, Corippus and others) presented an im­age of the perfect general with reference to their object of praise. On the ground of detailed analysis of those features I am going to indicate the most expected ones according to the social reception. Moreover, I will point out those means which were used by the authors to create the image of the ideal general. Next, I will pay attention to how the authors change their way in presenting the perfect general and how this development was connected with the general evolution of the genre. Lastly, I will answer a quite perverse question: if the perfect general could lead his soldiers to a victory in a real battle. In the background there will be a continu­ous question, if the panegyric – despite its limitation – can or can’t be treated as a valuable historical source.
EN
The reign of Emperor Marcian came at the turning point in the history of the Late Roman Empire. The Empire struggled against the Hun and Vandal menace and an internal political crisis. The Western policy of Theodosius II, who attempt­ed to keep a close relationship between both parts of the Empire, turned out to be a failure, and led to numerous defeats against barbarians. After his death, the mili­tary faction, opposed to his policies, chose its own candidate, Marcian, a former officer in service of a powerful general Aspar. The Emperor conceived a new line of Western policy, especially opposing the demands of Attila, the king of Huns. Marcian was reluctant to get involved in the matters of the Western Roman Em­pire, however, in 452 he sent an auxiliary force to Valentinian III, as a part of an agreement with Aetius, who convinced the Emperor to abandon his claim to the Eastern throne. Marcian also saw the opportunity to weaken Attila, and attacked the dwellings of his warriors beyond the Danube. After the death of Aetius, the Emperor did not support the Western Roman Empire, even when Rome was threatened and eventually sacked by Vandals. The cautious and pragmatic policy of Marcian helped the Byzantium to regain its power, and it led to neutralization of the Hun menace. The Emperor however did not make an attempt to save the Western Roman Empire from its internal political struggle and the Vandal attacks.
EN
The most important factors responsible for development of an impressive ca­reer of Flavius Stilicho were: his family ties with Theodosians’ dynasty, the way he reorganized the Roman army, military victories, how he drummed up senate’s support for his political aims and the balanced policy of using and stopping the barbarian tribes. Protecting emperor Honorius, cooperating simultaneously with pagan and Christian fractions in the senate, achieving military success and de­fending borders of the Roman Empire against barbarians raids, Stilicho de facto was reigning the state in the name of his son-in-law, Honorius. Paradoxically, the same factors contributed to the downfall of the master-in-chief in 404-408 A.D. The conflict with his wife, Serena, and his son-in-law, Honorius, the mutiny in the army called-up by the reforms of Stilicho, some disagreements with the senate caused by the case of Melania the Younger and compensation for Alaric and, at last, the invasion of barbarian tribes on Gaul in 406 A.D. destroyed the carefully built career of Flavius Stilicho. He didn’t decide to keep his high rank by trigge­ring off a civil war, what differed him clearly from his followers, Flavius Aetius and Flavius Ricimer.
EN
In the presented article the author analyses depictions of sieges and capturesof Rome in the years 408-410 and 455 passed on by selected authors of Latin andGreek sources from the late antique. The scope of the research included sourcescontaining more extensive narratives, while sources containing only laconicannual information solely about the fact of capturing the city were rejected. Inthe depictions of the capture of Rome by Alaric in 410 the authors rather tendto seek supernatural reasons, and less often logical explanations of the origin ofthe events, contrary to the depictions of the year 455, where one can find almostexclusively rational justifications for the course of events, determined by politicalsituation. While discussing the events of the year 410 the authors oftentimescreate their own original digressions and allow for deviations from the historicreality. The relations about the year 455 are consistent and show only minor differences.Contrary to later opinions, the capture of Rome in 410 was not considereda gigantic tragedy outside Italy, although it was recognized as a breakthroughmoment. For the eastern historians these events are remote, taking place in landsfar from Constantinople and often their depiction is used to indicate the superiorityof the Eastern Empire over the Western Empire. Sacco di Roma by Genseric in455, which is referred more precisely and recognized as an element of significanthistory and politics of the East (Vandals corsair raids, Leo the Thracian’s expedition,recapturing Africa during the reign of Justinian I), is treated in an entirelydifferent manner.
EN
Major development of metallurgy production in the Crimean Peninsula and adjacent areas led to a gradual decline in late 2nd millennium BC of the use of flint in the manufacture of tools and elements of weapons. Contrary to the prevalent view about the loss of interest in this resource flint has been recorded in proto- and early historic sites. There is evidence for the use of flint resources by the population of Crimea from the site at Neyzats, rai. Bilohirsk (Fig. 1) dating to 2nd–3rd quarter of the 2nd–4th century AD. The large and quite varied inventory from this cemetery included flint finds that are uncharacteristic for this period. Their number, and quite importantly, their location inside the graves, have prompted us to make a closer study of the assemblage from this sepulchral site. Our analysis covers the finds from excavation seasons 1996, 1997, 1999–2008 and 2011–2013 headed by prof. I. N. Khrapunov. They include 65 flint artefacts and a single quartzite chunk (?) recovered from 557 graves that were identified and excavated during this period. The study focuses on a series of flint artefacts that were found resting on the grave pit bottom at the level of detection of the inhumations, and on other elements of the grave inventories eg, vessels, tools and personal ornaments. Left outside the analysis were flint artefacts found in the fill of the entrance corridors, their location recognized as accidental since deposition of grave goods in this part of the grave was not practiced. The typological description of the flint finds was made using the system established for Stone Age assemblages. The inventory of interest includes chunks (Fig. 2:2–4, 3:1.2.4.5), flake forms (Fig. 5:1–7, 6:2–8, 9), blades and retouched blades (Fig. 3:3.6–9, 4:2.4–10), a para-blade (Fig. 6:1), cores (Fig. 4:1.3) and bifacial tools (Fig. 7:1.2, 8:1.2). Also classified to this group is a single object made of quartzite (?). Technological and morphological analysis of the assemblage identified the style of manufacture of these forms as typical for the Stone Age (Mesolithic) and the Bronze Age. This would confirm the conjecture that in the first centuries AD the population of the Crimean Peninsula obtained lithic resources by collecting flint artefacts from the surface of chronologically older sites (debitage) and from flint outcrops (natural flint chunks and fragments of concretions). The study took into account 20 graves containing a total of 26 burials in situ with flint artefacts found resting where they originally had been deposited. The other 16 graves had been robbed in Antiquity or in the modern age, their inventories displaced and mixed. In most cases the flints rested in the area of the belt of the deceased, together with other items, eg, whetstones, knives, awls, buckles and iron objects too heavily corroded to identify. The arrangement of the artefacts and their location within the grave space suggest that the flints were carried placed with other objects in a container fastened at the belt (leather pouch?). Many of the flint artefacts have evident macroscopic alterations attesting to their use, in the form of heavily polished or battered areas (Fig. 2:1.2, 3:1.2.5, 4:1.5.9, 6:1–3, 7:1.2, 8:1.2). Marks of this sort are regarded as typically associated with the process of striking fire. The method which most likely caused the blunting of the edges involved striking a flint against a concretion of pyrite or marcasite to produce sparks. Although the observed polish is characteristic for this process to confirm the use of this technique additional use wear analyses are needed. In the context of firemaking methods we cannot overlook the question of the identification of iron firesteels, a tool used in striking fire. Unfortunately, in the past these objects were not recognized in the materials dating to the Late Antiquity. The observation of our material suggests that it is safe to interpret as firesteels some of the iron objects of oblong shape (Fig. 9) found in male graves. They appear to be similar in their form to needle-shaped firesteels of with a large number is has been recorded in Scandinavia and Hungary. The question of the correct interpretation of the discussed group of artefacts requires further study. In addition, an ingot firesteel (Fig. 10) was discovered in one of the graves in the Neyzats cemetery. In any study of archaeological sites from the proto- and early historic period it is essential to take note of the occurrence of lithic artefacts. As the finds assemblage from the Neyzats cemetery has demonstrated they are an extremely interesting but insufficiently recognized source of information useful in the study of the everyday life of a population during a given age. Definitely an important issue in need of resolution is the question of the use in the process of firemaking of a set consisting of a flint and an iron firesteel.
Vox Patrum
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2015
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vol. 63
243-252
PL
Zachowania magiczne były od niepamiętnych czasów elementem kultury. Świadectwa w postaci amuletów, różnych narzędzi czy zaklęć systematycznie są odkrywane. Magia przenikając w świat religii, stawała się jej elementem, z cza­sem aż do tego stopnia, że w zależności od okresu historycznego, nie sposób od­różnić jednej od drugiej. W niniejszym artykule zostały poddanie analizie, z per­spektywy ustawodawstwa kościelnego, praktyki magiczne szkodzące zdrowiu i życiu. Oczywiście przepisy prawne mają na celu eliminację błędów i zagrożeń przez co przedstawiają obraz jednostronny nie oddający wszystkich aspektów ży­cia. Niewątpliwie jednak odnoszą się do zagrożeń realnych i przez to poszerzają wiedzę o epoce. W przedstawionym tekście wzięto pod uwagę takie praktyki ma­giczne, które celowo i umyślnie miały szkodzić konkretnym osobom.
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