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EN
The Euro-handbook and common collective memory of Europeans are the two topics of considerations in this paper. As indicated by its title, the author assumes that there is no com- mon collective memory of the residents of Europe and that a common handbook for European history has failed to be written so far. The considerations are divided into two parts. The first focuses on the common collective memory and related issues, the second presents a number of controversies over a common handbook for the history of European Union citizens. The con- cept of a common European memory is relatively new, and since it emerged it has been a pro- ject to be realized, a reality to be created, by making references to various social, cultural, historical, political, moral and economic categories. Memory is one of the most important fac- tors in building community: a familial, linguistic, national, religious and territorial commu- nity. Therefore, the policy of the European Union is to a large extent concentrated on building a ‘collective memory’. This is about the Europeanization of culture and symbolization of pub- lic space which supports a sense of familiarity, and the consciousness that there is a common spiritual and intellectual European heritage. It is, however, difficult to develop a common Eu- ropean memory since that collective memory is divided; it is a conglomerate of different per- spectives and different versions. This obstacle makes it impossible to write a common handbook of European history. The Old Continent can hope for a divided or dialogue mem- ory, that is for an agreed memory that goes beyond a national horizon. Memory understood in this way could become a foundation for a Euro-handbook taking into account various histori- cal experiences and interpretations of events. If such an agreed handbook were written it could play a significant role in shaping the common memory policy. Therefore, there is a need for a wise and modern history handbook, where teaching would serve reconciliation. The out- come of such teaching is to involve tolerance and peaceful coexistence
PL
The Euro-handbook and common collective memory of Europeans are the two topics of considerations in this paper. As indicated by its title, the author assumes that there is no com- mon collective memory of the residents of Europe and that a common handbook for European history has failed to be written so far. The considerations are divided into two parts. The first focuses on the common collective memory and related issues, the second presents a number of controversies over a common handbook for the history of European Union citizens. The con- cept of a common European memory is relatively new, and since it emerged it has been a pro- ject to be realized, a reality to be created, by making references to various social, cultural, historical, political, moral and economic categories. Memory is one of the most important fac- tors in building community: a familial, linguistic, national, religious and territorial commu- nity. Therefore, the policy of the European Union is to a large extent concentrated on building a ‘collective memory’. This is about the Europeanization of culture and symbolization of pub- lic space which supports a sense of familiarity, and the consciousness that there is a common spiritual and intellectual European heritage. It is, however, difficult to develop a common Eu- ropean memory since that collective memory is divided; it is a conglomerate of different per- spectives and different versions. This obstacle makes it impossible to write a common handbook of European history. The Old Continent can hope for a divided or dialogue mem- ory, that is for an agreed memory that goes beyond a national horizon. Memory understood in this way could become a foundation for a Euro-handbook taking into account various histori- cal experiences and interpretations of events. If such an agreed handbook were written it could play a significant role in shaping the common memory policy. Therefore, there is a need for a wise and modern history handbook, where teaching would serve reconciliation. The out- come of such teaching is to involve tolerance and peaceful coexistence.
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2016
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vol. 15
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issue 36
11-27
PL
CEL NAUKOWY: Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie teoretycznych podstaw, nieznanej jeszcze szerzej w polskiej myśli humanistycznej i społecznej, koncepcji reprezentacji społecznych jako nośników pamięci zbiorowej. PROBLEM I METODY BADAWCZE: Przedstawiony problem badawczy dotyczy odpowiedzi na pytanie: jak można wykorzystać teorię reprezentacji społecznych do analiz rozumienia podstawowych pedagogicznych kategorii pojęciowych? Zastosowano analizę literatury przedmiotu oraz eksploracyjne metody badań wykorzystywane w ustalaniu rdzenia i elementów peryferii reprezentacji społecznych: wolnych skojarzeń werbalnych i ewokacji hierarchicznej. PROCES WYWODU: Po wstępnym zdefiniowaniu celu pracy oraz zasadniczych pojęć (pamięć, pamięć zbiorowa, reprezentacje społeczne) omówiono różne rodzaje modalności, poprzez które działa pamięć zbiorowa (ciało, język i organizacja przestrzeni) oraz na przykładzie analizy pojęcia „wychowanie” pokazano sposób ustalania struktury reprezentacji społecznych. WYNIKI ANALIZY NAUKOWEJ: Przykładowa analiza studenckich reprezentacji wychowania dowiodła, że omawiana teoria stanowić może adekwatną podstawę metodologiczną do ustalenia struktury reprezentacji społecznych podstawowych pojęć pedagogicznych.WNIOSKI, INNOWACJE, REKOMENDACJE: Teoria reprezentacji społecznych stwarza duże możliwości analizy i interpretacji danych w kontekstach kulturowych i historycznych. Studiowanie struktury reprezentacji umożliwia identyfikację dominujących reprezentacji wybranego obiektu społecznego, a badania longituidalne mogą pokazać jakościowe zmiany najpierw w elementach peryferyjnych, a następnie centralnych. Pozwala to na przemyślane planowanie modyfikacji reprezentacji społecznych w kierunku powszechnie oczekiwanym (np. w edukacji).
EN
The present area of the south-eastern Poland (Podkarpackie Voivodeship) belonged to these parts of the Kingdom of Poland, and from 1569 the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, which for several centuries, from late Middle Ages to the end of the 17th century, were affected by extremely destructive Tatar invasions. For several centuries Tatar military expeditions to the Polish and Lithuanian territories that aimed at robbing and terrorising local population were an excellent tool used by the Crimean Khanate, and also periodically by the rulers of the Ottoman Empire who employed subordinate Nogai tribes, for forcing the kings of Poland to pass special fees and levies, which was guaranteed in Polish-Ottoman and Polish-Tatar peace treaties. These fees, referred to as “gifts”, were a relic of the Mongol and Tatar supremacy over Ruthenian territories in the times of the Golden Horde. A long-term threat of rapacious invasions of the Tatars from Crimea and Budjak and their catastrophic economic and demographic effects were not the only consequences of the military activity of Tatar hordes on the territory of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. This multi-dimensional and periodically very intensive impact of Tatar cavalry raids must have caused the formation of a specific cultural discourse and collective memory reproduction processes in communities that were threatened existentially, exploited economically and drained demographically. The strength and remarkable durability of the collective memory of Tatar attacks is primarily a result of such factors as distance and strangeness of aggressors in terms of civilization, culture and religion, but the specific character of the activities carried out by the Tatars was an even more important factor that generated collective memory of the attacked community. A characteristic feature of Tatar operations was the application of asymmetric warfare consisting in concentration of operational efforts in the civil sphere, which was reflected mostly in conducting expropriating operations and taking the defenceless people, mainly from rural areas, into captivity. Collective memory related to the historical phenomenon of Tatar invasions has been preserved in legends, songs, sayings, folk proverbs and beliefs transmitted from generation to generation in local communities (oral history) and in specific elements of religious ceremonies. A characteristic feature of these traditional records, despite their quite considerable diversity in form and content, was the presence of the idea of providentialism, a belief in particular care of God over the Commonwealth and the communities of the faithful that were threatened by the attacks of hostile forces. The above-mentioned historiosophical vision was not only popular among the nobility and bourgeoisie, but also among the broad group of the peasant population, and slightly later penetrated into their awareness by means of the parishes of the Catholic as well as the Orthodox, and later the United Church. The narrative structures of the legends frequently contain motives of wonderful divine interventions, often associated with the devotion to the Virgin Mary and supernatural meteorological phenomena that saved lives and freedom of people and brought salvation for cities and villages threatened with destruction. There are also many legends with moral and educational content, which refer to the figures of renegades who, during Tatar attacks, betrayed and shared their knowledge with hostile troops for various reasons. From the social point of view, an important role of legends and folk stories related to Tatars was their therapeutic and compensating role as well as an inscription of Tatar threats into the existing system of terms and values. It should be emphasized that collective memory of the Tatar attacks was strengthened, consolidated and reproduced also due to the symbolism present in iconography of sacral buildings and in the local cultural landscape in the form of roadside shrines, crosses and mounds. The product of synergistic connection of influences of intangible and tangible memory carriers, which interconnect by using a dialectically complicated intergenerational communication network, was a creation of collective memory, consolidated by means of official historical and religious discourses that constitute its social frame. Durability as well as catastrophic economic and demographic effects of Tatar invasions caused the situation where the contacts between the peasant population of the Commonwealth and the warriors from Crimea and Budjak became a border experience and foundational trauma that affected the formation of identity of local communities as a confrontation of different values and lifestyles originating from different civilization and cultural circles. For this reason the centuries of nomad invasions, which were in fact a dramatic, intercultural conflict and “the clash of civilizations”, may be defined – following the concept of Pierre Nora – as one of the central and symbolic “places of memory” (lieu de mémoire), having a multi-dimensional impact on the Polish culture.
EN
Conflict provenance must be sought not only in economic conditions, but also in socio-cultural, especially civilizational, religious, ethical and historiosophical ones. Conflict analysis should depend on their pro­found explanation taking into consideration their axiological and ethical, psychological and historiosoph­ical implications. Conflicts are frequently stimulated due to presentation of various, often extreme, views and explanations of the present, rooted in historical peculiarities of distant or closer past, especially when atendency to prefer aleading role of affirmed, frequently controversial heroes, appears.
EN
The article analyses, from a perspective of political transformation, social opinion on socialism and on quality of life in this system. As political and economic reforms progressed, the beliefs of majority of society in superiority of democracy and free-market economy upon socialism and a centrally planned economy (as presented in 1989’s elections) proved to be ambivalent. Historical and sociological research shows that a large group of Poles holds living standards before 1989 in high esteem. At the same time most Polish people appreciate social change brought by the transformation and the word socialism has generally negative connotation. However, some of them, especially those who spent most of theirs lives in socialistic Poland, show nostalgia for socialism.
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51%
PL
Autor analizuje bitwy pod Maratonem (490 p.n.e.) i Termopilami (480 p.n.e.) i ich miejsce w zbiorowej pamięci Greków w ogóle, a szczególnie Ateńczyków i Spartan. Zwraca uwagę na następujące po wydarzeniach i rosnące wraz z upływem czasu wykorzystanie bitew i ich przywłaszczenie odpowiednio przez Ateńczyków i Spartan, których prawo do przywództwa politycznego wywodziło się z ich historycznego wkładu dla Hellady. W późniejszych okresach symboliczne znaczenie tych bitew zmieniło się na bardziej ogólne. Maraton stał się symbolem walki o wolność, Termopile – heroicznej ofiary za ojczyznę. W przypadku Maratonu, ustanowienie w 1896 r. maratonu jako imprezy olimpijskiej, zmieniło w świadomości społecznej skojarzenia z „maratonem” z walki o wolność (historia) na osobistą walkę z własnymi słabościami (sport). Termopile wciąż są symbolem walki o wolność za wszelką cenę, nawet o życie. Autor podsumowuje i omawia różne „narodowe” Termopile: serbskie, hiszpańskie, austriackie, czeskie, rosyjskie, amerykańskie, niemieckie, polskie itd. Wskazuje na nowe zjawisko, które pojawiło się w ostatnich latach – uznanie Termopil za element ideologii „wojowniczego nacjonalizmu”.
EN
The author analyzes the battles of Marathon (490 BC) and Thermopylae (480 BC) and their place in the collective memory of the Greeks in general and particularly the Athenians and the Spartans. The attention is drawn to the following soon after the events and growing with the passage of time use of the battles and their appropriation, respectively, by Athenians and Spartiate, who the right to political leadership derived from their historical contributions for Hellas. In the later periods the symbolic meaning of these battles was changed into more general. Marathon became a symbol of struggle for freedom, Thermopylae - heroic sacrifice for one’s country. In the case of Marathon institution in 1896 of marathon as an Olympic event, changed the public consciousness associations with "marathon" from the struggle for freedom (history) to the personal struggle against one’s own weaknesses (sport). Thermopylae are still a symbol of the struggle for freedom at any cost, even the lives. Author summarizes and discusses the various "national" Thermopylae - Serbian, Spanish, Austrian, Czech, Russian, American, German, Polish, etc.. indicates a new phenomenon that has emerged in recent years - the recognition of Thermopylae as an element of ideology "of militant nationalism".
9
51%
EN
The author analyzes the battles of Marathon (490 BC) and Thermopylae (480 BC) and their place in the collective memory of the Greeks in general and particularly the Athenians and the Spartans. The attention is drawn to the following soon after the events and growing with the passage of time use of the battles and their appropriation, respectively, by Athenians and Spartiate, who the right to political leadership derived from their historical contributions for Hellas. In the later periods the symbolic meaning of these battles was changed into more general. Marathon became a symbol of struggle for freedom, Thermopylae - heroic sacrifice for one’s country. In the case of Marathon institution in 1896 of marathon as an Olympic event, changed the public consciousness associations with "marathon" from the struggle for freedom (history) to the personal struggle against one’s own weaknesses (sport). Thermopylae are still a symbol of the struggle for freedom at any cost, even the lives. Author summarizes and discusses the various "national" Thermopylae - Serbian, Spanish, Austrian, Czech, Russian, American, German, Polish, and indicates a new phenomenon that has emerged in recent years - the recognition of Thermopylae as an element of ideology "of militant nationalism".
PL
Autor analizuje bitwy pod Maratonem (490 p.n.e.) i Termopilami (480 p.n.e.) i ich miejsce w zbiorowej pamięci Greków w ogóle, a szczególnie Ateńczyków i Spartan. Zwraca uwagę na następujące po wydarzeniach i rosnące wraz z upływem czasu wykorzystanie bitew i ich przywłaszczenie odpowiednio przez Ateńczyków i Spartan, których prawo do przywództwa politycznego wywodziło się z ich historycznego wkładu dla Hellady. W późniejszych okresach symboliczne znaczenie tych bitew zmieniło się na bardziej ogólne. Maraton stał się symbolem walki o wolność, Termopile – heroicznej ofiary za ojczyznę. W przypadku Maratonu, ustanowienie w 1896 r. maratonu jako imprezy olimpijskiej, zmieniło w świadomości społecznej skojarzenia z „maratonem” z walki o wolność (historia) na osobistą walkę z własnymi słabościami (sport). Termopile wciąż są symbolem walki o wolność za wszelką cenę, nawet o życie. Autor podsumowuje i omawia różne „narodowe” Termopile: serbskie, hiszpańskie, austriackie, czeskie, rosyjskie, amerykańskie, niemieckie, polskie itd. Wskazuje na nowe zjawisko, które pojawiło się w ostatnich latach – uznanie Termopil za element ideologii „wojowniczego nacjonalizmu”.
PL
Generał Stanisław Maczek jest postacią zakorzenioną w polskiej pamięci zbiorowej, ale stosunkowo mało wiadomo o indywidualnych doświadczeniach wojennych żołnierzy z 1. Dywizji Pancernej. Chociaż dzięki nowym programom badawczym mamy w Polsce coraz więcej relacji świadków historii, którym dane było przeżyć wojnę, to są one w większości poświęcone ludności cywilnej. Głównym celem tego tekstu, relacjonującego wyniki naszego projektu badawczego, jest studium przypadku grupy społecznej, związanej wspólnym doświadczeniem wojennym. Dotyczy on byłych żołnierzy 1. Dywizji Pancernej. Dywizja Pancerna powstała w Wielkiej Brytanii w 1942 r. Od sierpnia 1944 r. do kwietnia 1945 r. walczyła na szlaku bojowym od północnej Francji, poprzez Belgię i Holandię, do niemieckiego miasta Wilhelmshaven. W północnych Niemczech dywizja została zdemobilizowana w 1947 r. Po wojnie kombatanci osiedlili się w różnych państwach (m.in. w Polsce i Belgii) o bardzo odmiennych systemach politycznych. Wywiady biograficzne pokazują jasno, że okres wojny był przełomowym etapem w życiu wszystkich rozmówców. We wstępnej analizie skupiliśmy się na czterech tropach interpretacyjnych, takich jak: czas i przestrzeń, transnarodowość, konfliktowe lojalności i przemiany narracji o pamięci wojny.
EN
This article is devoted to the presentation of different narratives associated with the figure of Romuald Rajs – a member of the armed underground, who is currently in the pantheon of “Cursed Soldiers”. However, he also participated in the murder of haulers and in the pacification of the few Belarusian villages during which women and children were also killed. The existence of two different “legends” about this character, which can be found on the Polish-Belarusian borderland is the main reason for tensions – related to the memory of the war and the days immediately after it – between Belarusians and Poles, and more broadly, Orthodox and Catholics. The figure of “Bury” is at the root of the conflict between the memories of the above-mentioned groups and we can assume that this may affect on worsening of Polish-Belarusian relations in Podlasie. In the article, except to explain what is the collective memory and a memories conflict, I describe the figure of Rajs – the most important facts of his life, especially those, that are the essence of the dispute for the sake of their different interpretation.
PL
Artykuł ten jest poświęcony przedstawieniu różnych narracji związanych z postacią Romualda Rajsa – członka zbrojnego podziemia znajdującego się obecnie w panteonie Żołnierzy Wyklętych, któremu zarzuca się jednocześnie udział w zabójstwie furmanów oraz pacyfikację kilku białoruskich wsi, w czasie której śmierć poniosły m.in. kobiety i dzieci. Istnienie dwóch odmiennych „legend” o tej postaci, z którymi spotykamy się na pograniczu polsko-białoruskim, jest głównym powodem napięć – związanych z pamięcią o wojnie i czasów zaraz po niej – między Białorusinami i Polakami oraz szerzej, prawosławnymi i katolikami. Postać „Burego” leży u podstaw konfliktu pamięci między wyżej wymienionymi grupami i można przypuszczać, że przekłada się to również na pogorszenie stosunków polsko-białoruskich na Podlasiu. W artykule oprócz wyjaśnienia, czym jest pamięć zbiorowa i konflikt pamięci, autorka przybliża również postać Rajsa – najważniejsze fakty z jego życia, zwłaszcza te będące istotą sporu przez wzgląd na odmienną ich interpretację.
PL
Niniejszy artykuł jest duńskich i grenlandzkich tekstów prasowych pod kątem stosowania przemocy symbolicznej w ujęciu Pierra Bourdieu. Materiał stanowią artykuły opiniotwórczych dzienników dotyczące powołania kontrowersyjnej grenlandzkiej Komisji Pojednawczej. Zarówno w duńskiej jak i grenlandzkiej narracji można zidentyfikować językowe akty przemocy symbolicznej, które pozycjonują oba państwa względem siebie. Przejawiają się m.in. w wartościowaniu czy stosowaniu stereotypów o charakterze mniej lub bardziej implicytnym.
EN
The present paper examines social memory of the evicted Lemkos with regard to the Vistula Operation (ukr. операцiя “Вiсла”) and their lost fatherland – the Lemko Region (ukr. Лемкiвщина). The author applies biographical narrative method to explore constituent elements of the spatial identity such as: the Lemkos’ attitude towards landscape, places of paramount importance, idealization of the lost fatherland on eviction. This articles is based on a comprehensive literature review and presents the results of the field studies carried out by the author among the Lemkos.
EN
The paper discusses popularity of spiritualism after the end of World War I. The author compares spiritualism of the second half of the 19th century and the post-war spiritualism, especially in the first years after 1918 to indicate the most important distinguishing features of this movement in the two periods mentioned. The thesis of the article is that spiritualism before 1914 expressed the faith in the rightness of progress and scientific curiosity, while spiritualism after the war became a way of transferring trauma to collective memory, and the individual and private method for handling a loss. The paper also tackles the impact of secularization, disappointment with progress and the change in the approach to death and mourning after the war
PL
Days of Choice. About Morfina (Morphine) by Szczepan Twardoch The purpose of this article is to show the way of presenting the national identity issues, which are present in the Morphine by Szczepan Twardoch. The unclear situation of main character is a starting point of my reflections. He is situated between Polishness and Germanness, femininity and masculinity, being active and being passive. In my analysis I concentrate on patterns into which the main character cannot (or perhaps does not want to) be written, and which have theirs roots in Polish national myths and stereotypes. Key words: Morphine; identity; collective memory; narrative identity; romanticism;
PL
Saving Private Ryan. War and (vs) memory The analysis is concerned with the relations between representation of war in American cinema and its cultural memory based on Steven Spielberg's Saving Private Ryan (USA 1998). Based on concepts such as cultural memory, postmemory, representation and realism, multiple aspects of a film work were analyzed: the plot, image, sound, and John Williams' musical score. Hollywood war films through referencing genre traditions, patriotic musical style and iconic imagery are capable of influencing the ways society remembers and imagines war. In case of Saving Private Ryan filming techniques used for the combat scenes play a particular role. Influenced by the original World War II combat documentaries the filmmakers achieved the viewer's full immersion in depicted combat, as opposed to the older war cinema, where technological means allowed the camera to only observe the events. Key words: combat film; Saving Private Ryan; Steven Spielberg; collective memory; representation;
PL
Adopting a new materialist perspective, the article analyzes the exhibition offered by the historical museum of Yad Vashem in Jerusalem to commemorate Shoah. It aims at exposing the subtle references the exhibition makes to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The argumentation reveals the multiple ways in which official strategies of remembering the traumatic past are shaped by contemporary discourses or political challenges, placing emphasis on the important intersections of historical policy and current political ventures.
PL
Gdy mówimy o pamięci zbiorowej, istotne wydaje się uwzględnienie rozmaitych grup, wspólnot i instytucji ( państwowych i obywatelskich), które przyczyniają się do kultywowania pamięci o historii społeczeństwa, a także badanie ich wytworów i sposobów upamiętniania tej historii. Zaś interesującą przestrzenią do sprawdzenia tego, w jakich formach przejawia się i funkcjonuje pamięć zbiorowa, może okazać się Internet. Celem artykułu jest ukazanie rozumienia przez raperów pojęcia pamięci zbiorowej na podstawie hiphopowych utworów patriotycznych oraz jego percypowania przez słuchaczy. Stąd w artykule zostały zacytowane wersy hiphopowych utworów patriotycznych i wypowiedzi internautów, którzy docenili patriotyczną działalność muzyczną polskich raperów. Przeprowadzona analiza stała się podstawą do przyjęcia, iż hiphopowe utwory patriotyczne są w stanie zainteresować słuchaczy i tym samym utrwalić pamięć o przeszłości przekazaną przez raperów
EN
Discussing the issue of collective memory, we should definitely take into account all the various groups, communities and institutions (state and civic) that contribute to the preservation of the history of the society, and study their products and ways of commemorating this history. The Internet may actually turn out to be an interesting space for the study of various forms of collective memory. The aim of this article is to present Polish rappers' understanding of collective memory on the basis of hip-hop patriotic songs and its perception by listeners. For this reason, the article contains some extracts of hip-hop lyrics as well as some statements by Internet users who have rated patriotic musical activity of Polish rappers. The analysis of the aforementioned resources has shown that hip-hop patriotic songs may be of interest to the audience and thus they may preserve the memory of the past communicated by the rappers
EN
The paper attempts to present the leading objectives and motives of the ‘Church’s policy of memory’ before and after 1989. The author states that, like many other institutions of public life, the Catholic Church implements its own policy to shape the collective memory of Poles, both in terms of legitimization and content. At the time of the Polish People’s Republic, the first and foremost objective of the ‘Church’s memory policy’ was to counteract the activities of the communist authorities, which were carrying out a project to restrict the Church’s influence to the narrowly understood field of the priesthood and which ultimately aimed at the atheization of Polish society. The emphasis on the historical symbiosis of Polishness and Catholicism served the purpose of defending the traditional form of Polish religiousness and providing the Church with social support in the struggle to maintain the public dimension of its influence. Despite the change in language, the present objective of the Church’s historical narration appears similar: to oppose these aspects of secularization trends that drive the Church away from public space and so intensifying the phenomenon of the privatization of faith. Whether in the past or present, the Church’s vision of the past is to secure its own stability as an institution and retain the role of a significant factor contributing to the national and state conscience of Poles.
PL
Tematem artykułu jest funkcjonowanie wynalezionej tradycji we współczesności na przykładzie I Zjazdu Rodu Feretów. Artykuł zawiera definicje pojęć takich jak: wynaleziona tradycja, pamięć zbiorowa i pamięć kulturowa. Opisuje też problemy zależności między tradycją a globalizacją. Analiza materiałów ze zjazdu rodzinnego przedstawia konstrukcje wynalezionej tradycji oraz funkcje, jakie pełni. Budując tożsamość grupową, zjazd był odpowiedzią na zagrożenia płynące ze współczesnego świata. Analiza oparta jest głównie na prezentacji przedstawionej uczestnikom zjazdu, kronice rodzinnej oraz hymnie.
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