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EN
Today the diplomacy of the Holy See, by virtue of its professionalism and centuries-old tradition, is considered as one of the best in the world. Its activity is quite different from the activity of other diplomatic services. Functioning based on the premise that religion plays an important role in international relations, the papal legates extremely often refer to ethics and morality in the international forum. During the pontificate of Pope John Paul II diplomacy of the Holy See – for the sake of its specificity – remained a unique phenomenon, having no parallel in history.
Perspektywy Kultury
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2020
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vol. 30
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issue 3
179-196
EN
In the aftermath of the Liberation of Vienna by the army commanded by Jan III Sobieski, international diplomacy was activated immediately to extend the Polish-Imperial League and continue the war against the Turkish. The diplo­macy of the Holy See, planned by Innocent XI, was particularly active: Franc­esco Buonvisi, ordinary nuncio in Vienna, and Opizio Pallavicini, nuncio in Warsaw, worked hard to encourage the adhesion of the Serenissima Republic of Venice. With the signing of the treaty on March 6, 1684 between Warsaw, Vienna, and Venice-solemnly celebrated in Rome on the following May 24- Innocent XI could count on joint action against the infidels by land and sea, with the armies of Poland, of the Empire, and the naval fleet of the Serenis­sima. The article intends to retrace the diplomatic phases-not always an easy task-which led to the signing of the League, paying attention to the decisive role played by the diplomacy of the Holy See.
EN
The main aims of this study is to analyse the activities of relationship networks with which the Papal Nuncio Antonio Caetani and Spanish envoys Guillén de San Clemente and Baltasar de Zúñiga surrounded themselves at a time of crisis in the Hapsburg Monarchy in the years 1608–1609.
EN
The history and the beginnings of Vatican diplomacy, its high prestige in the field of international relations. The text discusses the features, modes of action, the hierarchy and the number of the Vatican diplomats. The beginnings of the difficult collaboration of the Holy See with the East, inaugurated by John XXII and Paul VI, continued by John Paul II. After a Pole was chosen as the bishop of Rome there was an intensification of the Vatican’s eastern policy. John Paul II openly fought for and frequently spoke about respecting human rights and the increase of the freedom of the Church, not only in Poland, but also in the entire eastern bloc. We should mention the fact that during the events of December 1980 and the period of tension in Poland, John Paul II submitted a letter to Leonid Brezhnev expressing his concern about the fate of Europe and Poland. The bishop of Rome also established a collaboration with the Hungarian episcopate at that time. Despite initial difficulties, he also did so with Czechoslovakia. By making pilgrimages to his fatherland and by meeting general Jaruzelski, the Pope made vigorous attempts to normalize all diplomatic relations between the Vatican and Poland. This normalization eventually happened on 17 July 1989. In the second half of the 1980s Mikhail Gorbachev played a considerable role in the warming of the relations between the Vatican and Moscow due to his policy of reconstruction (perestroika). The extension of the dialogue between the Vatican and Moscow was facilitated by the visit made by the Soviet leader to the Pope in December 1989, and especially by the declaration made during that visit that there was a will to bring about a turning point in the religious policy and a will to confer an official status to the relations between the Soviet Union and the Vatican. The Polish Pope’s political sense, and especially his belief about the necessity of making a break with the post‑Yalta order in Europe and in the World, an order that was viewed as a moral catastrophe, entailed the idea that the Vatican’s eastern policy did not reach its end with the Spring of the Nations of 1989 and the demise of the Soviet Union, but that it entered a new stage of its development. The diplomacy of the Vatican in the face of democratizational processes in Eastern Europe and the emergence of a new political map drawn up on the ruins of the USSR had very little time to spare to adapt its activities to the dynamically changing reality. In the new political reality in the eastern part of the continent there came to the fore the question of restoring or establishing by the Holy See of diplomatic relations both with the countries with a Catholic majority, such as Poland, Hungary and Lithuania, or with countries which were widely represented by Catholics, countries such as Belarus or the Ukraine, or with countries in which the Catholics were a religious minority, as in the case of the Russian Federation. The thus‑defined long‑scale strategic goals of the Vatican toward the countries of the former Soviet Union and its satellite countries in Central and Eastern Europe were fulfilled, maybe with the exception of the Russian Federation alone, and, for other reasons, the Republic of Belarus. The diplomacy of the Vatican made a lasting contribution to the engineering of a new political order on the Old Continent based on the respect of rights and civic freedoms which are derived also from the Christian tradition.
EN
This article is a review of the methodological polemic in the theses of the article by P. Zając regarding the activities of nuncio Angelo Maria Durini in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the years 1767-1769 (“Kwartalnik Historyczny” nr 3, 2019). Contrary to the opinion of P. Zając, who based his inquiries on a narrow source base covering only Durini’s correspondence with Rome, the nuncio did not approach “unilaterally from papal directives”, reluctant to compromise, but according to the instructions of the Holy See, vigorously pursued the interests of the Catholic Church and the faithful in the Republic.
PL
Niniejszy artykuł recenzyjny stanowi polemikę metodologiczną z tezami artykułu P. Zająca o działalności nuncjusza Angela Marii Duriniego w Rzeczypospolitej w latach 1767–1769 („Kwartalnik Historyczny” nr 3 z 2019 r.). Wbrew opinii P. Zająca, który swoje dociekania oparł na wąskiej bazie źródłowej obejmującej tylko korespondencję Duriniego z Rzymem, nuncjusz nie podchodził „jednostronnie do dyrektyw papieskich”, będąc niechętnym kompromisowi, lecz zgodnie z zaleceniami Stolicy Apostolskiej energicznie zabiegał o interesy Kościoła katolickiego i wiernych w Rzeczypospolitej.
EN
The article is a response to a polemic by Wojciech Kęder regarding an article about the activities of nuncio Angel Maria Durini in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth during the years 1767–1769 (“Kwartalnik Historyczny” No. 3 of 2019). In this article the errors committed by Prof. Kęder are addressed, particularly the allegations regarding the source basis and the interpretation of historical facts. In a documented manner, attention is drawn to the specific errors of the criticism published in “Studia Sandomierskie” 27 (2020), pp. 393–403.
PL
Niniejszy tekst stanowi odpowiedź na polemikę Wojciecha Kędera dotyczącą artykułu o działalności nuncjusza Angela Marii Duriniego w Rzeczypospolitej w latach 1767–1769 („Kwartalnik Historyczny” nr 3 z 2019 r.). Wykazano tu błędy w zarzutach co do podstawy źródłowej oraz interpretacji faktów historycznych, które skierował pod adresem autora artykułu prof. Kęder. W udokumentowany sposób zwraca się uwagę na niesłuszność krytyki opublikowanej w „Studiach Sandomierskich”nr 27 z 2020 r. (s. 393–403). 
EN
The article studies mutual relations between King Stanisław August Poniatowski and Giovanni Andrea Archetti, the papal nuncio in the Commonwealth from 1776 to 1784. Information about the Polish king was an important part of the dispatches sent by the nuncio to the Roman secretariat of state. The king was concerned with creating a positive image of a ruler respecting the rights of the Roman Catholic Church. During this period several potential crises involving the state and the Church were resolved amicably.The correspondence conducted by Archetti frequently mentions royal declarations of loyalty towards the Apostolic See and the monarch’s attachment to Pope Pius VI. Stanisław August “silently” consented to a backstage campaign conducted by the nuncio against the election of a dissident envoy at a sejmik held in Wschowa in 1776, and disagreed with projects of additional taxes to be paid by Church institutions on royal landed estates. At the same time, the Polish monarch rather decisively insisted on assuming control over the estates of the Cistercian abbeys in Ląd and Bledzew and did not meet all the demands made by Archetti regarding custody over Bishop Kajetan Sołtyk of Cracow. The king behaved in a more conciliatory fashion during the trial of Benedykt Oganowski, who having accepted ordination was subjected to Church jurisdiction although he was to be tried for earlier crimes committed as a layman. Despite the involvement of the nuncio the failed project of a legal code by Andrzej Zamoyski did not alter the way in which the king declared his total loyalty towards Pius VI and demonstrated his good will towards the papal diplomat. Archetti wrote about the monarch with sympathy and even compassion as he observed royal efforts aimed at a reform of the Commonwealth together with simultaneous political ineffectiveness sustained in particular by Russia. Stanisław August confimed his positive personal contacts with the nuncio by decorating the latter’s nephew, Giovanni Battista Vertova, with the Order of St. Stanislas and the Order of the White Eagle despite the fact that the recipient’s only merit was kinship with Giovanni Andrea Archetti.
PL
W artykule omówione zostały wzajemne stosunki króla Stanisława Augusta Poniatowskiego oraz Giovanniego Andrei Archettiego, nuncjusza papieskiego w Rzeczypospolitej w latach 1776–1784. Informacje na temat polskiego króla były ważną częścią depesz przesyłanych przez nuncjusza do rzymskiego sekretariatu stanu. Królowi zależało na pozytywnym wizerunku. Kilka potencjalnie kryzysowych sytuacji na płaszczyźnie państwo–Kościół rozwiązano w tym okresie ugodowo. W korespondencji Archettiego mowa jest często o królewskich deklaracjach wierności Stolicy Apostolskiej i przywiązaniu monarchy do papieża Piusa VI. Stanisław August milcząco przyzwolił na zakulisową akcję nuncjusza przeciw wyborowi posła-dysydenta na sejmiku we Wschowie w 1776 r., nie zgadzał się także na projekty dodatkowych podatków na instytucje kościelne w dobrach królewskich. Jednocześnie dość stanowczo nalegał na przejęcie kontroli nad dobrami opackimi klasztorów cysterskich w Lądzie i Bledzewie i nie spełnił wszystkich żądań Archettiego co do procedury objęcia kuratelą biskupa krakowskiego Kajetana Sołtyka. Bardziej pojednawczo zachował się przy okazji procesu Benedykta Oganowskiego, który z racji przyjętych święceń podlegał jurysdykcji kościelnej, choć miał być sądzony za wcześniejsze przestępstwa, popełnione jeszcze w stanie świeckim. Upadek projektu Kodeksu praw Andrzeja Zamoyskiego, mimo zaangażowania w tę sprawę nuncjusza, nie wpłynął na zmianę tonu, w jakim król deklarował pełną lojalność wobec Piusa VI i manifestował życzliwość wobec papieskiego dyplomaty. Archetti pisał o królu z sympatią, a nawet współczuciem, widząc jego starania o reformę Rzeczypospolitej i jednoczesną polityczną niemoc, podtrzymywaną zwłaszcza przez Rosję. W tym tonie relacjonował podróż króla do Wiśniowca w 1781 r. na spotkanie z parą wielkoksiążęcą, Pawłem i Marią Fiodorowną. Pozytywne osobiste kontakty z nuncjuszem Stanisław August potwierdził, dekorując Orderem św. Stanisława i Orderem Orła Białego siostrzeńca Archettiego, Giovanniego Battistę Vertovę, którego jedynym atutem było pokrewieństwo z Giovannim Andreą.
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