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W kręgu badań nad dziejami emigracyjnego parlamentaryzmu

100%
Gotowiecki P.
Przegląd Sejmowy
|
2020
|
issue 5(160)
221-228
EN
The reviewed publication contains post-conference materials, presented during the conference held in 2016 in Warsaw, entitled “The Deposit of Independence. National Council of the Republic of Poland in Exile (1939–1991)”. The volume consists of 18 articles, published in chronological and topical order, devoted to the selected issues of the history of the Polish parliamentarianism in exile during World War II and in the post-war period. The authors of the articles discussed various aspects of the activities of the National Council of the Republic of Poland in Exile, such as the participation of national minorities in the work of the quasi-parliament, biographies of the chosen parliamentarians, or the selected elements of “parliamentary practices”. This publication is not a synthesis but it supplements and develops the current state of research on the activities of the Polish quasi-parliamentary institutions in exile.
2
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K československé parlamentní kultuře v letech 1935–1938

88%
Wintr J.
Historie – Otázky – Problémy (History, Issues, Problems)
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2014
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vol. 6
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issue 1
166-180
EN
This paper deals with National Assembly Chamber of Deputies public meetings in the fourth electoral period (1935–1938) as recorded in shorthand minutes, attempting to depict particular characteristic features of parliamentary culture at that time. After a brief introduction and a presentation of individual items from the Rules of Procedure it focuses in particular on the frequency and progress of important parliamentary debates.
3
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Senat w czasie panowania Wazów – jego miejsce w systemie parlamentarnym Rzeczypospolitej

88%
Korytko A.
Przegląd Sejmowy
|
2021
|
issue 6(167)
115–140
EN
The article analyses selected problems pertaining to the Senate – the upper chamber in the Parliament of the Commonwealth of Two Nations during the reign of the Vasa dynasty (1587–1668). The author characterises the Senate by discussing nominations, numbers, and precedence of the senators. Moreover, he presents certain aspects associated with the role and activity of the senators in the course of the pre-Sejm campaign and during Sejm debates. While describing the work carried out by the Polish-Lithuanian Parliament the author draws attention to the less than imposing attendance, the significance of senatorial wota (opinions and commentaries of senators), and the positive impact exerted by the Senate in the final phase of the Sejm – the conclusion. Upon the basis of the conducted analyses it becomes obvious that the Senate performed, not only in the course of the debates held by the Sejm, several roles – that of a parliamentary estate, an ‘intermediary estate’, and a guardian of law.
4
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From Constitutional Volatility to Constitutional Stability: Any Chance to Reconcile Constitutionalism and Power Struggle in Ukraine?

75%
Tyushka A.
Historia i Polityka
|
2016
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issue 16(23)
57-71
EN
This article addresses the problem of the ongoing constitutional transition in Ukraine that has been revived by the Maidan revolution of 2013–2014. The constitutional transition is increasingly seen as being key for solving what is apparently the greatest political crisis in the country’s history, for providing long-term stabilization of Ukraine’s constitutional order and ensuring democratic development. The article sheds light on a series of revolutionary causes of the current constitutional reform, against a broader context of preceding instrumentalization of constitutional politics and volatility of the constitutional process. Pre-revolutionary (presidential-parliamentary) and post-revolutionary (parliamentary-presidential) constitutional settings are compared, whilst the ramifications of re-transition to parliament- -dominated rule are also scrutinized. Finally, against the backdrop of an unfinished constitutional reform, the argument developed in the of the constitutional setting of Ukraine as both a desirable and necessary development to stabilize social-political and constitutional orders of the county.
5
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Sejm prowincjonalny na Śląsku (1824–1848) na tle innych podobnych instytucji w Prusach

71%
Kruszewski T.
Opolskie Studia Administracyjno-Prawne
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2016
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vol. 14
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issue 3
59-69
EN
The author presents the evolution of the authority established in Prussia in 1824, within the polity boundaries of the country, following the defeat suffered by Prussia in the war with Napoleon. The presentation of Landtag which was functioning in Silesia is the starting point to make a comparison between this institution and others which were established on the parallel basis in other Prussian provinces. Differences and similarities between them are shown.
6
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Od krytyki demokracji parlamentarnej do pochwały dyktatury. Niemiecka myśl nacjonalistyczna 1918–1933

71%
Maciejewski M.
Opolskie Studia Administracyjno-Prawne
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2016
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vol. 14
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issue 3
71-92
EN
The article deals with the question of the formation – since the end of World War One until the emergence of the Nazi regime – of various conceptions of the political system in influential and widespread intellectual circles of the so-called revolutionary conservatives who represented nationalist, anti-liberal and anti-parliamentarian views. This political ideology adopted a clearly critical position regarding political, constitutional and legal solutions adopted in the Reich after the fall of the Hohenzollern empire in 1918. Criticizing parliamentary democracy, though not necessarily democracy as such, revolutionary conservatives announced the need to establish a system of dictatorial leadership in Germany, modeled after the rule of Napoleon Bonaparte, oftentimes seeing the then President of the Reich, Paul von Hindenburg, as a suitable person for this role (they rather sporadically perceived Adolf Hitler in this way). Some of them not only approved of an authoritarian model of government understood as an opposition towards the so-called Weimar system, but also accepted the principles of totalitarianism (e.g., C. Schmitt, E. Jünger, E. Niekisch). Since 1933, the Nazis partly adopted the anti-liberal, anti-parliamentarian and authoritarian conceptions of revolutionary conservatives, reaching for – among others – Carl Schmitt’s theory of decisionism or Ernst Jünger’s idea of the total mobilization of the nation.
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ИЗМЕНЕНИЯ В ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИХ РЕЖИМАХ СТРАН ВОСТОЧНОЙ ЕВРОПЫ

63%
Суловски С., Залесны Я., i inni i. i.
Studia Politologiczne
|
2015
|
vol. 36
1-276
RU
Предложенный том «Studiów Politologicznych» («Политологических исследований») посвящен некоторым изменениям, происходящим в политических устройствах государств Восточной Европы. Размышления о государстве, власти и политике находятся в центре внимания политологов, равно как и конституционалистов. Авторы не ограничиваются формулировками правовых норм, осуществляют широкий анализ действительности государственного устройства. Для определения сущности фактических политических отношений в государстве необходимо знание как действующих правовых регулирований, так и судебной практики (включая конституционный суд), а также практики государственного устройства. Ведь практика определяет специфику политического устройства государства. Нет ничего исключи- тельного в том, что на основании подобных правовых регулирований сформировались различные устройства, включая те, далеко отклоняющиеся от принципов, определенных законодателем, и его ожиданий, связанных с устанавливаемым правовым регулированием.
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Modele ustrojowe opozycji parlamentarnej w strukturze systemu politycznego Zjednoczonego Królestwa, Republiki Federalnej Niemiec i V Republiki Francuskiej

63%
Machelski Z.
Przegląd Sejmowy
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2017
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issue 3(140)
21–44
XX
The right to oppose the current government is an indispensable element of the pluralist system of liberal democracy. A parliamentary opposition may function in various organisational forms. It comprises political groups and factions which do not participate in the formation of the government, adopt a critical attitude towards the programme of the executive branch, and offer alternative solutions with respect to programmes and the staffi ng of ministerial positions. This study of the three cases of the United Kingdom, Germany and France confirms that, besides the common attribute of representing a political orientation different from that of the current government, an opposition is distinguished by a set of specifi c features. Such features result from the type of a political system, political culture, the structure of a parliament, and effective procedures. In its activities, an opposition uses a collection of positive and negative measures.
9
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The Evolution of the Systemic Position of the Prime Minister of Hungary - Legal Regulations and Constitutional Practice

51%
Wojnicki J.
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego
|
2020
|
issue 5 (57)
481-499
EN
The article discusses the issues of evolution of the political position of heads of government in Hungary. The time frame is between 1990 and 2020. A wide historical spectrum is included as well, showing the transformations of the supreme bodies of state power. After 1989, Hungary opted to establish a parliamentary cabinet system, with some strengthening of the government’s powers. The institution of the Prime Minister has become a real instrument of political power for the leaders of political factions in the countries discussed. The analysis takes into account both constitutional regulations and political practice over the past nearly 30 years. A particular strengthening of the political position of the Prime Minister can be seen after 2010.
PL
W artykule poruszono problematykę ewolucji pozycji politycznej szefów rządów na Węgrzech. Ramy czasowe obejmują lata 1990-2020. Uwzględniono również szerokie spektrum historyczne, ukazujące przemiany najwyższych organów władzy państwowej. Po 1989 r. Węgry zdecydowały się na ustanowienie parlamentarnego systemu gabinetów, z pewnym wzmocnieniem uprawnień rządu. Instytucja Prezesa Rady Ministrów stała się realnym instrumentem władzy politycznej przywódców frakcji politycznych w omawianych krajach. Analiza uwzględnia zarówno regulacje konstytucyjne, jak i praktykę polityczną ostatnich prawie 30 lat. Szczególne wzmocnienie pozycji politycznej Prezesa Rady Ministrów widać po 2010 r.
10
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Lewellerzy i powszechne prawo wyborcze podczas debaty w Putney (1647 r.)

51%
Chmielewska L.
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego
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2022
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issue 1 (65)
125-136
PL
Artykuł ma charakter przeglądowy. Jego celem jest przybliżenie ustaleń badaczy dotyczących ruchu lewellerów w kluczowym dla nich 1647 r., czyli okresie ich największego wpływu, kiedy swoim najważniejszym postulatem uczynili powszechne prawo wyborcze dla mężczyzn, którego z powodzeniem bronili podczas jednej z debat w Putney. Wśród badaczy istnieją wątpliwości, jeśli chodzi o szczegóły tego stanowiska. Spór trwa od lat 60. XX w. Celem artykułu jest przybliżenie tej dyskusji, zwłaszcza w odniesieniu do debaty w Putney, zaprezentowanie ustaleń zawartych w najważniejszych angielskich opracowaniach dotyczących lewellerów. Artykuł odpowiada na pytanie, czy lewellerzy opowiadali się za prawem wyborczym dla wszystkich mężczyzn, czy byli zatem bezwarunkowymi demokratami, czy też dopuszczali wykluczenie sług i jałmużników oraz, dlaczego postulowana przez nich reforma prawa wyborczego nie zyskała poparcia.
EN
This is a review article. Its purpose is to present the findings of researchers on the English Levellers’ attitude to universal manhood suffrage, especially during the Putney Debates (1647). This issue is not clear and the dispute of researchers has been going on since the 1960s. The aim of the article is to present the findings on this issue contained in the important English studies on Levellers. The article presents the results of research that allows to answer the questions: whether the Levellers really supported the universal manhood suffrage, or were they therefore unconditional democrats? and why despite the success achieved during the Putney Debates the electoral reform proposed by them did not gain broad support.
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