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Model parlamentaryzmu dualistycznego we Francji V Republiki na tle tendencji rozwojowych francuskiego konstytucjonalizmu

100%
Jakubiak Ł.
Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
|
2011
|
issue 1(15)
393-414
EN
The article concerns the question of dual responsibility of the government in the French Fifth Republic. The first part is devoted to origins and development of the dualistic parliamentary system of government in France. According to this model ministers are politically responsible not only before the monarch, but also before the parliament. In the second part the author discusses the return to this model after the adoption of the current Constitution. In the light of this act the government is politically responsible before the parliament. However, when the dual executive comes from the same part of the political scene responsibility of the government before the president of the Republic is much more important. The situation changes significantly during periods of cohabitation. Under such circumstances the government bears political responsibility for its actions only before the parliament. The head of state is no longer able to dismiss the prime minister and other members of the government at his own discretion. In conclusion, the author points out that in the French political system there is no one coherent model of dual responsibility of the government because its shape is influenced by different configurations on the political scene.
2
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Interwencja poselska - instytucja konieczna, zbędna czy szkodliwa? Próba udzielenia odpowiedzi

75%
Wygoda K., Wasiak D.
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego
|
2021
|
issue 4 (62)
313-324
EN
The aim of the article is to point out doubts about the model assumptions and the functioning of the right to parliamentary intervention. As part of the solutions adopted in the Constitution of the Republic of Poland (including the requirement to represent the nation under a free mandate and the principle of the separation of powers) any actions taken by representatives of power in the individual and not public interest, allowing interference (or informal pressure) in the normatively defined mechanisms or procedures of decision-making (by public authorities, and even more so in the field of business), can be seen as a threat to the standards of a democratic rule of law. The authors outlining potential threats postulate changes leading to the limitation or abolition of the institution of parliamentary intervention.
PL
Celem artykułu jest wskazanie wątpliwości dotyczących założeń modelowych i funkcjonowania prawa do interwencji poselskiej. W ramach przyjętych w Konstytucji RP rozwiązań (obejmujących m.in. wymóg reprezentacji narodu w ramach mandatu wolnego oraz zasadę podziału władzy) wszelkie działania podejmowane przez przedstawicieli władzy w interesie indywidualnym a nie publicznym, pozwalające na ingerencję (czy nieformalne naciski) w normatywnie zdefiniowane mechanizmy lub procedury podejmowania decyzji (przez ograny władz publicznych, a tym bardziej w sferze biznesu), mogą być postrzegane jako zagrożenie dla standardów demokratycznego państwa prawa. Autorzy zarysowując potencjalne zagrożenia postulują zmiany prowadzące do ograniczenia lub zniesienia instytucji interwencji poselskiej.
3
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Proper, transparent and just prioritization policy as a challenge for national competition authorities and prioritization of the Slovak NCA

63%
Blažo O.
Yearbook of Antitrust and Regulatory Studies
|
2020
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vol. 13
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issue 22
117-144
FR
L’article cherche à définir certaines limites du cadre de la politique de priorisation afin de montrer que les ANC sont liées par certains principes pour établir leurs politiques de priorisation et ne sont pas complètement indépendantes ou autonomes. Dans ce contexte, la définition des priorités par l’ANC slovaque, la surveillance de ce processus et l’évaluation de sa crédibilité sont analysées. Le pouvoir de hiérarchiser les affaires fait partie de la stratégie d’indépendance fixée par la directive ECN+ et est lié à l’utilisation efficace de ressources. Bien que la hiérarchisation fasse partie des éléments de l’indépendance des ANC, la directive ECN+ ne prévoit pas d’autres conditions pour la politique de prioritarisation des ANC. Les décisions concernant la hiérarchisation des mesures d’application peuvent permettre à une ANC de se concentrer sur les infractions les plus graves au droit de la concurrence. D’autre part, elles peuvent être critiquées en raison de leur manque de transparence, de leur caractère arbitraire, de leur disproportionnalité et de l’inégalité de traitement. Par conséquent, la politique de hiérarchisation des priorités doit être intégrée dans le cadre garantissant une application correcte et une procédure régulière de la loi. Le cadre juridique de la Commission européenne concernant le rejet des affaires ainsi que le contrôle judiciaire limité peut inspirer les ANC. Bien que les ANC ne soient pas limitées dans le choix de leurs priorités, certaines infractions à la concurrence doivent inévitablement être incluses dans leurs priorités, comme les ententes et les truquages d’offres. Le cas de la Slovaquie montre un niveau relativement faible de responsabilité de l’Office antimonopole de la République slovaque devant le Parlement, et le contrôle judiciaire et parlementaire de la définition des priorités et de la selection des affaires de l’Office est limité. L’article conclut que dans le cadre de la réforme de l’ANC slovaque, il ne suffira pas de garantir l’indépendance de l’AMO, y comprise la fixation des priorités, mais qu’il faudra faire progresser les mécanismes de responsabilité et de contrôle.
EN
The paper tries to establish some limits of the framework for prioritization policy in order to show that the NCAs are still bound by certain principles for setting their prioritization policies and are not completely independent or autonomous. In this context, priority setting by the Slovak NCA, surveillance of this process and evaluation of its credibility is analysed. The power to prioritize cases became a part of the ‘independence toolkit’ of the ECN+ Directive and is linked to effective use of limited resources. Despite including prioritization into the elements of independence of NCAs, the ECN+ Directive gives no further requirements for the prioritisation of the performance of enforcement powers of NCAs. Decisions regarding prioritization of enforcement can allow a NCA to focus on the most serious infringements of competition law. On the other hand, they can be challenged due to lack of transparency, arbitrariness, disproportionality and because of unequal treatment. Hence the prioritization policy, as well as individual decisions, shall be embedded into the framework safeguarding proper enforcement and due process of law. The legal framework of the European Commission for the system of rejection of cases as well as limited judicial review can serve as an inspiration for NCAs. Although NCAs are not restricted in the selection of their priorities, some competition infringements shall be inevitably included in their priorities, such as cartels and bid rigging. The case of Slovakia and its NCA shows a relatively low level of accountability of the Antimonopoly Office of the Slovak Republic (AMO) to the parliament, and judicial as well as parliamentary control of the prioritization and case selection of the AMO is limited.The paper concludes that within the reform of the Slovak NCA, it will be insufficient to only grant the AMO guarantees of independence, including independence of priority setting, and that mechanisms of accountability and review shall be evolved.
4
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The Phenomenon of Suburbanisation in Szczecin and Neighbouring Communes Based on the Analysis of Voter Turnout in 2000–2015

63%
Molska K.
Reality of Politics
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2016
|
issue 7
92-108
EN
The article is based on the analysis of changes in voter turnout from 2000 to 2015. It considers all types of election, including presidential, parliamentary, local, and European parliament one within the territory of West Pomerania, detailing the municipal district of Szczecin; Police District, with Dobra (Szczecińska) commune, Kołbaskowo and Police; and Stargard District, with Kobylanka commune. Focusing exactly on this area is no coincidence and closely relates to the mobility of people. The analysis enabled the formulation of the following hypothesis: communes neighbouring cities attract politically conscious human potential; and the attempt at answering the research question referring to the observed phenomenon: whether the suburbanisation in Szczecin and neighbouring communes is a fact.
5
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Nauru – najmniejsza republika świata

51%
Rytel-Warzocha A.
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego
|
2015
|
issue 1(23)
11-26
PL
Streszczenie Republika Nauru jest wyspiarskim państwem położonym w południowo-zachodniej części Oceanu Spokojnego na wyspie o tej samej nazwie. Nauru uzyskało niepodległość 31 stycznia 1968 r., w tym dniu weszła w życie konstytucja. Systematyka ogólna konstytucji jest typowa dla współczesnych konstytucji państw demokratycznych, opierając ustrój państwa na takich zasadach, jak zasada niepodległości, zasada republikańskiej formy rządów, zasada nadrzędności konstytucji w systemie źródeł prawa czy też zasada podziału władzy. Państwo to zasługuje na uwagę z kilku powodów. Po pierwsze, Nauru jest najmniejszą republiką świata, która jako jedyna nie posiada oficjalnej stolicy. Po drugie, w wyborach parlamentarnych stosowany jest system wyborczy Dowdall, będący zmodyfikowaną wersją systemu Borda, w teorii prawa wyborczego niejednokrotnie uznawany za system idealny, który w wyborach ogólnokrajowych nie jest stosowany nigdzie indziej na świecie. Z drugiej strony, Nauru jest przykładem państwa, które w ciągu stu lat doprowadzone zostało do ekologicznej degradacji na skutek działalności człowieka polegającej na wydobywaniu fosforytów i obecnie stoi na skraju bankructwa.
EN
The Republic of Nauru is an island country located in the south-western Pacific Ocean on the island of the same name. Nauru gained independence on 31 January 1968 and on the same day a new constitution came into force. The constitution of Nauru is similar to typical constitutions of modern democratic states, providing that the political system of Nauru should be based on such principles as independence, the republican form of government, the supremacy of the Constitution in the system of law, or the separation of powers. Nauru is an interesting country to research for several reasons. Firstly, Nauru is the smallest republic in the world and as the only state it does not have an official capital. Secondly, in parliamentary elections the Dowdall electoral system is used, which is a modified version of the Borda system considered to be an ideal electoral system in the theory of electoral law, which in national elections is not used anywhere else in the world. On the other hand, Nauru is an example of a state which has been brought from a paradise to an ecological degradation due to human activities involving the mining of phosphates and now it stands on the verge of bankruptcy.
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