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Komparatívna analýza opozičných legislatívnych stratégií strán Smer-SD a ČSSD v rokoch 2010–2012, resp. 2010–2013

100%
Chovancová K.
Politologická revue (Czech Political Science Review)
|
2017
|
issue 2
85-113
EN
One of the essential functions of a parliament in a parliamentary democracy is the creation of legislation. And since governmental majorities prevail in most parliamentary democracies, the opposition confronts the government in the process of creating the legislation. This article concentrates on a comparison of oppositional strategies of two specific political parties when proposing legislation. The first is Smer-SD, a social-democratic party in Slovakia, while the second is ČSSD, a social-democratic party in the Czech Republic. Both are relevant parties with experience of being in government. The analysed period covers one electoral term when these parties were in opposition: the period of 2010–2012 in the case of the former and the period of 2010–2013 in the case of the latter. The analysis is conducted in five aspects: 1) the number of their legislative proposals; 2) the content of these proposals; 3) strategies used when proposing legislation (whether proposers create the legislation in cooperation with MPs from other parliamentary party groups or with the government); 4) the timing of proposing the legislation (whether any increase or decrease in the legislative activity may be observed during the electoral term) and 5) success of the legislation proposed by these parties (as a complementary factor to these four aspects).
2

Possible application of deliberative democracy in parliament

100%
Dolný B.
Human Affairs
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2011
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vol. 21
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issue 4
422-436
EN
Deliberative democracy, as a dominant paradigm in contemporary democratic theory, offers a new, attractive conception of democratic legitimacy, which represents an alternative to a democracy that functions through the mechanism of political competition. A major problem with deliberation is the issue of its institutionalisation, as the theories of deliberative democracy have not produced a more specific institutional framework or form in which it could be used in political practice. Parliaments appear to be particularly suitable places for its potential implementation. Moreover, deliberative democracy could contribute to a change in discourse quality and the way decision-making is conducted in parliaments, which is often considered problematic. Due to its incompatibility with competitive democracy, the opportunities for introducing deliberative democracy into parliaments are very limited. The study also outlines three ways of reconciling deliberative democracy and parliaments.
3
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K čemu instituce? Jsme přeci samí slušní lidé! Příčiny, důsledky a řešení nedůvěry v zastupitelské sbory v Česku

88%
Müller K. B.
Politologická revue (Czech Political Science Review)
|
2016
|
issue 1
5-39
EN
The aim of this article is to interpret the causes and consequences of strengthening or weakening public trust in representative bodies at local and central level in the Czech Republic. The author seeks to answer the questions why in the Czech Republic the public trust in municipal councils is significantly and consistently higher than trust in Parliament, and what implications from such a situation may arise for the efficiency and legitimacy of these institutions. Further the paper discusses issues of interconnectedness between institutional and interpersonal trust, and what tools or measures could be employed in order to protect and strengthen institutional efficiency and democratic legitimacy.
4
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Legitimacy through Subsidiarity? The Parliamentary Control of EU Policy-making

88%
Borońska-Hryniewiecka K.
Polish Political Science Review. Polski Przegląd Politologiczny
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2013
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vol. 1
84-99
XX
This article explains the relationship between subsidiarity and legitimacy of policies designed at EU level. Through means of theoretically informed analysis this paper claims that if the principle of subsidiarity is respected and implemented throughout the policy process, EU policy-making can aspire to satisfy the condition of both input and output legitimacy. The empirical part of the paper shows how, through a subsidiarity control mechanism known as the Early Warning System, national parliaments can collectively fulfill representative and deliberative functions in EU policy-making. Conclusions about the changing dynamics in parliamentary modus operandi in the field of EU affairs lead to forming a set of recommendations for further research.
5
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Podział wpływów między frakcjami i grupami w Najwyższej Radzie Ukrainy (1990 – 2012)

63%
Olejnik W., Lebediuk W.
Facta Simonidis
|
2013
|
issue 6
93-118
PL
W artykule poddano szczegółowej analizie podział wpływów między frakcjami i grupami w Najwyższej Radzie Ukrainy od 1 do 7 kadencji. Oparto je na modelach teoretycznych Banzhafa, a więc uwzględniających wskaźnik dla większości zwykłej i konstytucyjnej, jak również sekwencji α-wskaźnika - indeksu złożonego, który bierze pod uwagę preferencje frakcji i grup do budowania koalicji. Wykazano, że wpływ frakcji lub grupy, mierzone wskaźnikiemBanzhafa, mogą się znacznie różnić od ich partycypacjiw liczbie miejsc w parlamencie. Ustalono też, że w ocenie wpływu za pomocą α-wskaźnika, frakcje i grupy zajmujące pośrednie stanowisko zwiększają swoje wpływy, zaś zmniejszają je zajmując postawy radykalne.
EN
The article analyses the distribution of power among factions and groups in Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine (1990–2012). It uses Banzhaf’s power index including the simple and constitutional majority’s index and α-index which takes into account factions’ and groups’ preferences for coalition making. It is shown that the power of a faction evaluated on the basis of Banzhaf index might significantly differ from its actual share of seats. It is shown that when the α-index is used groups and fractions who have indirect power increase their influence whereas radical ones lose it.
6
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Główne tendencje w polityce reform wyborczych w  wyborach parlamentarnych

51%
Sokół W.
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia
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2013
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vol. 20
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issue 2
EN
In some political and science circles (including Poland) there are articulated views on the crucial role of electoral systems in the process of political competition. Therefore they express the opinion about prevalence of certain electoral arrangements in terms of the implementation of certain political preferences. Often hopes for the reform of the political system are associated with the changes of the electoral systems. In the Great Britain (the United Kingdom) and other English-speaking countries citizens have formed community associations whose aim is the change from the majority to the proportional electoral system. In the effect we have more proportional election result and extension of real electoral bid to a  larger number of political parties. On the other hand, in Poland, we have seen the opposite trend. Proponents of single-mandate constituencies depreciate the system of proportional representation. They express the belief in the positive effects of the majority system in the parliamentary elections. Radicals endorse the idea that only those electoral solutions are synonymous with electoral democracy and they are a  way to reduce the pathologies of political life. In terms of these issues there have arisen many misconceptions and political myths. The main purpose of this article is to pay attention to trends in the areas of electoral reforms in the world. The author tries to answer the following research questions: 1) What electoral systems were popular in the world in individual periods from the 19th to the 21st centuries? 2) What tendencies appear in changes of electoral systems in the recent years? 3) What is the being of popularity phenomenon of mixed-member electoral systems? In the recent years the most popular electoral systems are: proportional representation with open lists and majority rules in single member-districts.
PL
W  niektórych środowiskach politycznych (w  tym w  Polsce), a  także naukowych artykułowane są poglądy o  – decydującej w  procesie rywalizacji politycznej – roli systemów wyborczych oraz w  związku z  tym wyrażane jest przekonanie o  przewadze niektórych rozwiązań wyborczych w  zakresie realizacji określonych preferencji politycznych. Często nadzieje w  zakresie reformy systemu politycznego wiąże się ze zmianami systemów wyborczych. W  Wielkiej Brytanii i  innych krajach anglosaskich powstały stowarzyszenia społeczne, których celem jest zmiana systemu większościowego na proporcjonalny. Jego zwolennicy opowiadają się za proporcjonalnością wyniku wyborczego i  rozszerzeniem realnej oferty  wyborczej do większej liczby podmiotów partyjnych. Z  kolei w  Polsce można zauważyć odwrotną tendencję. Zwolennicy jednomandatowych okręgów wyborczych, deprecjonując system proporcjonalnejreprezentacji, wyrażają przekonanie o  pozytywnych efektach systemu większościowego w  wyborach do Sejmu. W  wariancie radykalnym lansowana jest teza, że tylko powyższe rozwiązania wyborcze stanowią synonim demokracji i  są sposobem na ograniczenie patologii życia politycznego. Wokół tej problematyki narosło wiele nieporozumień i  mitów politycznych. Celem przedstawionego artykułu jest zwrócenie uwagi na tendencje w  zakresie polityki reform wyborczych w  świecie i  odpowiedź na takie pytania badawcze jak: 1) Jakie systemy wyborcze były popularne w  świecie w  poszczególnych okresach od XIX do XXI wieku?; 2) Jakie są tendencje w  zakresie zmian systemów wyborczych w  ostatnich latach?; 3) Z  czego wynika fenomen popularności mieszanych systemów wyborczych? W  ostatnich latach najbardziej popularnymi rozwiązaniami wyborczymi są system proporcjonalny z  listami otwartymi oraz system większościowy z  jednomandatowymi okręgami wyborczymi.
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