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1

La construction à participe dominant (ab urbe condita) : emplois prépositionnels

100%
Spevak O.
Listy filologické (Folia philologica)
|
2019
|
vol. 142
|
issue 3-4
283-306
EN
This article deals with the dominant participle constructions of the prepositional type (ab urbe condita), to which little attention has been paid thus far. They are sometimes considered counterparts of prepositional phrases with an elided participle or of brachylogical expressions. It focuses on the temporal prepositions ante and post, which are the most frequent with dominant participles. For the question of the ellipsis of the participle, it is important to take into consideration the semantic type of the noun which forms part of the dominant participle construction. Nouns with a temporal meaning such as hiems can be used in the dominant participle construction (ante hiemem exactam) as well as alone without a participle (post hiemem). There are also other groups of names that admit a temporal use without a participle. As these cases are semantically motivated, the idea of “omission” of the participle is not justified. The contribution of the participle used in these participial clauses is to make the state of affairs in which the noun is involved explicit.
2
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Subjektová rezultativa v češtině ve srovnání s ruštinou

63%
Giger M.
Časopis pro moderní filologii (Journal for Modern Philology)
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2015
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vol. 97
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issue 2
146-156
EN
Subjective resultatives (SR) are constructed from intransitive verbs that denote a change of state. In Czech, a participle in -l- is often used. Russian is said to have only very restricted SR as most intransitive non-reflexive verbs do not form a “passive” participle in n-/t. Indeed, in parallel texts from the Czech National Corpus, Russian very often uses other constructions where Czech uses a SR construction. However, the evidence also shows that at least in some cases Russian past active participles in -(в)ш- can be found in SR constructions. This formal type has been practically omitted in the literature so far. Evidence from the Russian National Corpus indicates that semantically it seems rather close to Czech SR. Its productivity, restrictions and other parameters will have to be subject to further investigation — as well as many aspects of Czech subjective resultatives.
3

Nie masz, kto ratując, czyli o staropolskich imiesłowach nieodmiennych czasu teraźniejszego w zdaniach podmiotowych

63%
Petrov I. N., Twardzik W. B.
Język Polski
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2013
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issue 2
65-76
PL
Artykuł porusza problematykę specyficznej funkcji składniowej staropolskich imiesłowów nieodmiennych (part. praes. indecl./adv.). Przykłady pochodzą ze staropolskich translacji Psałterza oraz kilku innych źródeł. Analiza podstawy łacińskiej oraz staropolskich synonimów syntaktycznych, a także uwzględnienie greckich, staro-cerkiewno-słowiańskich oraz staroczeskich odpowiedników pozwala na wysnucie tezy o podmiotowej funkcji analizowanych części mowy,niedostrzeżonej wcześniej przez badaczy. Autorzy prezentują to nietypowe użycie staropolskich imiesłowów na tle krytycznego omówienia dotychczasowych opracowań, postulując jednocześnie większą ostrożność terminologiczną oraz systematyczne uwzględnianie szerszego tła słowiańskiego.
EN
The paper analyzes the curious syntactic behaviour of certain uninflected participles (part. praes. act./adv.) in Old Polish. Examples are drawn from Old Polish translations of the Book of Psalms and certain other sources. Comparing the Latin text and the Old Polish syntactical equivalents, as well as taking into account the Greek, Old Church Slavic as well as Old Czech counterparts, the authors conclude that the forms under discussion could assume the role of a subject — a fact previously unnoticed by scholars. The authors present this unusual usage of participles in Old Polish against the background of a critical analysis of previous treatments of the subject, at the same time pleading for greater terminological precision and a systematic consideration of the broader Slavic background.
4

Gdyby przysięgły człowiek widział kogo raniąc barzo, czyli o staropolskich imiesłowach nieodmiennych czasu teraźniejszego w funkcji biernej

63%
Petrov I. N., Twardzik W. B.
Język Polski
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2014
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vol. 94
63-68
PL
Artykuł porusza problematykę nietypowej funkcji biernej staropolskich czynnych imiesłowów nieodmiennych (part. praes. indecl.), nawiązując do poświęconego temu zagadnieniu artykułu A. Grybosiowej i W. Twardzika, opublikowanego w 1975 roku. Przykłady pochodzą ze średniowiecznych i renesansowych zabytków staropolskich («Rozmyślanie przemyskie», tzw. «Ortyle Maciejowskiego», «Żywot Pana Jezu Krysta» Baltazara Opeca) i prezentują trzy dotychczas nieznane zdania z przedmiotowym użyciem imiesłowów. Omówienie dostarcza ponadto dodatkowych argumentów interpretacyjnych, potwierdzających tezę o biernym znaczeniu nieodmiennych imiesłowów czynnych.
EN
The paper analyzes the curious syntactic behaviour of certain uninflected participles (part. praes. indecl.) in Old Polish, drawing on A. Grybosiowa and W. Twardzik’s 1975 article devoted to the same subject. Examples stemming from medieval and Renaissance Old Polish texts (Rozmyślanie przemyskie, the socalled Ortyle Maciejowskiego, Baltazar Opec’s Żywot Pana Jezu Krysta) present some previously unknown sentences displaying participles with object value. In addition, the study supplies further interpretational arguments confirming the hypothesis about the passive meaning of uninflected active participles.
5
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Ach, ty zatracené neutra: realizace shody v plurálu

51%
Cvrček V., Drobil O., Dittrichová A., Arłukowicz A.
Naše řeč (Our Speech)
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2024
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vol. 107
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issue 1
3-20
EN
The current codification of neuter plural agreement in Czech does not fully reflect contemporary usage and has no convincing support in arguments from a functional or communicative perspective. This article presents the results of a corpus analysis focusing on agreement in the noun phrase (nová/é/ý města ‘new towns’) and in the active participle (města byla/y ‘towns were’) with respect to the variability of Czech registers. The analysis of the frequencies of variants in eight different corpora representing various types of written texts, internet communication and spoken registers shows that the occurrence of non-codified forms is influenced by the mode of communication (written vs. spoken), and the degree of formality and spontaneity of the given communication; e.g., in more formal and prepared monologues, non-codified variants are as frequent as the codified ones. Exclusive occurrence of the codified forms can be detected only in those written texts whose authors take considerable account of the codification. The results of the study highlight the need to reconceptualise the language policy of Czech.
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