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Bias, partisanship, journalistic norms and ethical problems in the contemporary Hungarian political media

100%
Sipos B.
|
2013
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vol. 6
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issue 1(10)
89-104
EN
Journalistic norms have changed in the last 20 years in Hungary. Democratic journal- ism appeared by 1989, when the power of the communist party disappeared at a stroke. Journalists became free, and they “enjoyed” the internal-pluralism and supported their diff erent parties. On the other hand the parties tried to use the political media as an instrument. As a consequence of this situa- tion the main question of political journalism became the pro-government and the anti-government behavior in the 1990s. Th ose biases have caused semi-investigative journalism and simulated-investi- gative journalism in the last 10 years.
2
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O polityczności Trybunału Konstytucyjnego w kontekście próby jego neutralizowania po wyborach 2015 roku

81%
Zyborowicz S.
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
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2016
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issue 4
111-124
EN
The paper examines the issue of politicization given the context of party affiliation of judges appointed as members of the Constitutional Tribunal. The author suggests that the present traditional paradigm of appointment/selection by the Parliament as a regulatory institution is replaced and presents a new paradigm based on choosing lots as employed in ancient Athens to appoint members of the Constitutional Tribunal.
PL
Artykuł dotyczy zagadnienia polityczności w kontekście partyjności powoływania sędziów Trybunału Konstytucyjnego. Autor proponuje zastąpienie dotychczasowego paradygmatu tradycyjnego wskazującego na wybory/nominowanie przez Sejm, jako instytucję regulującą kreację. Przedstawia nowy paradygmat oparty na ateńskiej procedurze losowania, które umożliwiłoby powoływanie członków tego organu.
3
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Lék na zlořády stranictví: Humův vliv na Madisonův "List federalistů č. 10"

72%
Rádková A.
Filosofický časopis (Philosophical Journal)
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2021
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vol. 69
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issue 4
777-794
EN
According to Douglass Greybill Adair’s influential interpretation, when James Madison was formulating his famous theses on the benefits of a large republic, he was influenced by his reading of David Hume’s essays. However, as far back as the 1980s, Edmund Morgan sharply criticized Adair, claiming that Madison had only been inspired by his political career and not by the reading of theoretical works. In addition, Morgan attempted to show that Hume’s and Madison’s theories of partisanship only give the appearance of being similar, while in reality they contradict one another. The intent of this article is to show that Morgan’s much discussed critique is based on a misleading interpretation of Hume’s theory, and that Madison truly found inspiration in his reading of the philosopher’s works. By analyzing not just Hume’s essays but other of his writings, the author also proves that this influence on Madison is much greater than the traditional interpretive literature has taken into account.
CS
Podle vlivné intepretace Douglasse Greybilla Adaira byl James Madison při formulování svých slavných tezí o výhodách velké republiky ovlivněn četbou esejů Davida Huma. Adairovy názory však podrobil již v 80. letech minulého století ostré kritice Edmund Morgan, který tvrdil, že se Madison inspiroval pouze svou politickou kariérou, a nikoliv četbou teoretizujících knih. Navíc se Morgan pokusil dokázat, že teorie stranictví jsou u Huma a Madisona podobné jen zdánlivě, ve skutečnosti si však protiřečí. Záměrem předkládaného článku je ukázat, že Morganova hojně diskutovaná kritika je založena na zavádějící interpretaci Humovy teorie a že Madison skutečně našel inspiraci v četbě jeho děl. Analýzou dalších Humových spisů, nejen esejů, autorka navíc dokazuje, že je tento vliv mnohem větší, než je zohledňováno v tradiční interpretační literatuře.
4
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Lithuanian Parliamentary Election and the Regional Press (2016)

72%
Mažylė J.
Political Preferences
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2017
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issue 14
63-86
EN
Although an election campaign is a crucial part of political communication that encompasses much more than just development of media strategies or their implementation during elections, yet most solutions of modern election methods are based on the specifics of mass media. The end recipient of information is misled, if instead of disseminating information about a candidate and his intentions, media outlets provide a distorted image of an election campaign. The image which is created, when politicians seek to attract media attention by using their election methods (such as pseudo-events). Using literary and source analysis, the paper examines the viewpoints of political scientists, sociologists, media and communication theory experts about the process of public information and its particularities during elections. Legal framework regulating political advertising during the elections in Lithuania is presented and the data of the empirical research – the content of the regional press during the 2016 elections to the Seimas (Parliament) of the Republic of Lithuania – is summarised focusing on the behaviour of the regional press. When analysing regional periodicals published during the election campaign, it was intended to ascertain what roles the regional press chose – that of an observer or a watchdog, a provider of information or an analyst, an evaluator. Content analysis of regional press publications published during the election campaign and a sociological survey of media employees helps to determine what roles the media adopted.
5
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Determinanty poparcia społecznego dla polskiego członkostwa w Unii Europejskiej i wprowadzenia w Polsce euro a znaczenie kampanii informacyjnej dotyczącej wspólnej waluty

72%
Liszkowska J.
Political Preferences
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2012
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issue 3
251-271
EN
The present article has a double purpose. Firstly, the author examines the evolution of public support levels for both the Polish EU membership, and euro introduction in Poland; correlations between them are briefly presented. The data is presented chronologically for both datasets, and in the case of EU membership support included the results of own research on relationship between partisanship and EU accession support. The author analyses the literature on the subject, indicating the factors thought to influence public consent in both cases, discussing in particular the impact of personal choice of supporting a given political party (and political stance) on the individual’s view on EU membership and euro introduction. Furthermore, a more detailed analysis of other factors influencing the acceptance of euro introduction in new countries is shown – once again based on recent literature, with particular attention paid to recent studies carried out in Poland, drawing attention to differences with the overall European studies – grouped by type, and supported by results of numerous polls conducted in Poland over the last several years. In the second part, the author presents a diagnosis of the drastically falling support for euro introduction in Poland – compared with steady acceptance for Polish EU membership – in correlation with the importance of correct information campaign as regards the euro. Here, the public›s own assessment of their level of knowledge about the euro currency is juxtaposed with the results of polls on euro support levels in Poland in historical approach, indicating the clear correlation between the two elements. Finally, a short analysis of the information campaign requirements and the current state of the same in Poland is presented.
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