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EN
The radical political and economic changes of 1989-1990 in Hungary affected all societal subsystems. In sport there was neither revolution from below nor relevant reforms from above prior to the regime change. The aim of this paper is to present the further development that are the post-transformational trends in Hungarian sport. The topic is approached from modernization perspectives. The information for the study was gained by various methods, such as analysis of documents, in-depth interviews, and participant observation. The results are analysed by three major dimensions: over-politicization, re-centralization, and paternalism. The findings show that the changes in sport were undergone in a very controversial manner, they were rather incremental than discontinuous. Neither a modernized sport model nor a national sport strategy on the basis of which a new model should have been built was founded. In Hungarian sport there seems to be an aversion and resistance to modernization. In conclusion the author states that Hungarian sport won a few battles, but it lost the war. A more democratic and a truly modern turnaround in the institution of sport is still expected. The transformation of Hungarian sport is continuing.
EN
This research paper deals with welfare work in four at the time industrializing countries, Great Britain, the USA, Germany and France, in the half century of flowering enlightened paternalistic capitalism between 1880 and 1930. Welfare work in this context is defined as, sometimes overly, paternalistic labour policy of enlightened entrepreneurs often encompassing workmans housing programs, pensions, saving programs, educational programs, sports facilities, medical services, worker participation, generous remuneration forms, and shorter working times. The question is raised if nowadays flex-capitalism in the context of shrinking collective welfare states can learn lessons from past experience with welfare work. By redefining paternalistic welfare work in adapted modernistic terms as well as by reweighting company, personal and state responsibilities a new future-proof trade-off as regards welfare work might be realised.
EN
The paper examines the concept of social rights from both the analytical and philosophical perspective. In the first part of the paper a distinction is made between social rights in the strict sense (called in the paper “Type 1 social rights”), which can be decomposed into the Hohfeldian incidents, and social rights which resemble norm-goals and therefore cannot be decomposed into the Hohfeldian incidents (these rights are called in the paper “Type 2 social rights”). It is argued that even though Type 1 social rights are rights in the strict sense, they exhibit certain idiosyncrasies distinguishing them from “classical” rights, among which the most striking idiosyncrasy is their double correlation to duties. The second, philosophical part presents various ways in which social rights can be justified. A special emphasis is laid on the justification appealing to the concept of autonomy. Some standard criticisms of social rights are also evaluated.
EN
This article aims to show how eight women, most of them with higher education, experienced, perceived, and understood birth care in the context of the post-socialist transformation in the Czech Republic. It is based on narrative interviews and a thematic analysis of them. From a description of women’s birth-care experiences the author finds that women are most critical of the behaviour of health-care workers and the lack of communication provided by the system. Discussing the narrators’ birth-care requirements she notes the strategies women use to attain the form of care they wished. Finally, the author observes that the women she interviewed exhibit diverse understandings of birth care, on which basis the author identifies five distinct notions of birth care that differ in three key aspects: (1) women’s attitudes to medical interventions; (2) their awareness of birth care; (3) their subjectivity and position in relation to birth-care providers. These ranged from complete acceptance of the way in which birth care is provided, to notions that are critical but accepting of medicalised care, to a rejection of the medical model of birth care and the assumption of ‘a responsible consumer’ subjectivity. The article in particular looks at women’s disillusionment with birth care and interprets it in relation to clashing ideas about the relationship between birthcare provider and user associated on one hand with the socialist past and on the other with neo-liberal discourses on health.
EN
The paper is based on the observation of the process of reviving the forgotten culture of household economy, horticulture and livestock farming in disadvantaged rural areas and, through this, to develop a new service model for rural communities to strengthen the role of grassroots initiatives and enhancing the mechanisms of the co-operative model of local economy and democracy. Our research has shown that bottom-up models have several barriers to local governments in rural areas. The change in the political and governmental model of the last ten years has resulted in the restraint of local government autonomy and the vacancy of the role of local governments as public service providers. In this system, we can observe the strengthening of administrative dependence, the devaluation of the local elected political leadership (mayors) and the emergence of new rules of local power. In small settlements with less than 2,000 inhabitants, central state and political dependence intensified. Attempts to strengthen local communities have proved to be a major challenge in a highly centralised model of government. The present study gathers the factors that hinder the success of co-creative approaches in the local context and shows how the public service innovations organised by local governments are determined by the political and economic culture prevailing at the national level.
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Kritická analýza autonomie v bioetice

86%
EN
In the conception of modern bioethics, the concept of autonomy plays a dominant role. Contemporary bioethical discourse in many cases glorifies an approach founded on this principle, and it seems that its role in moral conduct in applied bioethics is considered to be the key to salvation. This article attempts, to a certain extent, to relativise the dominant principle of autonomy, especially in medical ethics, even if it does not deny its indispensability. It points, however, to particular practical aspects which respect for the principle of autonomy, especially in the doctor-patient relation, can influence in a negative way, or can quite negate. As the basic antithesis to theories which found their priority on the axiom of respect to autonomy, the author then presents paternalistic and neo-paternalistic concepts in bioethics which find support, above all, in the principle of beneficence. The argument in this article necessarily demands an outline of the basic properties of paternalism and autonomy. For this reason the article especially focuses on models of the relationships between doctor and patient, that is on medical ethics in the narrow sense.
EN
Twenty years after German unification, rural East Germany still remains in deep economic crisis. The fact that the physical, social and private infrastructure have improved significantly, but with seemingly little effect on the economic performance and negative demographic trends, raises the question of alternative, institutional and social explanations for the current crisis. In this context this paper explores the concept of social capital and its relation to rural development in order to understand the current rural crisis in East Germany. It describes the process of agricultural restructuring after unification and analyses the processes of formation and destruction of different forms of social capital in this process.It is argued that social capital is connected with particular institutions and activities. In the case of Rural East Germany it was difficult for many actors to draw on network relations, simply because those networks vanished after having lost their meaning, institutional and physical basis. However, the new institutional framework, which has been transferred from the West, does not offer suitable incentives for the formation of other, new forms of social capital that are necessary to overcome the rural crisis.A generalization from the East German experience is that it is important to identify the base of social capital and thereby its likely durability in times of change. If an economic, social or cultural function is lost, it is likely that social capital related to this function will also be destroyed. However, this also gives room for careful optimism, due to the fact that new economic, social or cultural activities may serve as a basis for new social capital.
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EN
The problems related to discrimination of women is not treated by Amartya Sen as marginal. To the contrary, the issue of social inequality of women belongs to the mainstream of the Nobel laureate’s interests, and he himself is perceived as a representative of the socalled feminist economics. In this article, I refer to selected household and capitalist market analyses carrie out by Sen and leftist feminists: Ruth Pearson and Sylvia Chant. I find many interesting parallels between the theses formulated by the feminist scholars and the ideas promulgated by Sen, which I juxtapose emphasising a certain common research frontier and feminist objectives. In particular, the text elucidates the following issues: what feminist economics is; what the discussion with classical economic assumptions concerning household consists in; what the discussion with the assumptions concerning the functioning of an enterprise (and women working there) within the global capitalist economy consists in; what Sen’s change in the approach to the issue of poverty consists in. One important thread that accompanies the above considerations is the critique of the paternalistic tradition, which attributes lower status to women than to men.
PL
Traditional or Modern? Lubusz Youth at the Beginning of the XXI CenturyWe were interested in fi nding determinants of traditional and modern young Poles’attitudes towards elementary social issues. We wanted to answer the question howproximity to the German border can be treated as a diff erentiating factor consideringattitudes of youth form Lubuskie voivodeship, compared to the attitudes oftheir peers from other regions of the country. Th e analysis of the PGSS and LSS dataallowed us to formulate thesis of modern attitudes towards most of the analyzed dimensionsof social life, beyond the perception of the paternalism. Modern worldviewmanifests itself most strongly in relation to national issues where it can be concludedthat contemporary young people are rational citizens, deprived of strong emotions inthe way of speaking about their country and its activities.It cannot be strongly concluded that the proximity to the border fosters attitudesmore modern, because of the intensity of contacts with Germans. In most of theanalyzed cases we could not fi nd signifi cant diff erences in the opinions of the Polesand the inhabitants of the region of Lubusz. Th ere are, however, individual statements,which revealed signifi cant diff erences between the Poles and Lubusz, whichcan be explained by the multidimensional impact of the border. We claimed thosediff erences with the importance of the fl ow patterns of behavior between Poles andGermans, or the development of trade relations. It should be emphasized that theproximity of the border also generates a negative attitudes of Poles towards Germans.Daily contacts shape attitudes towards patriotism.
Amor Fati
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2015
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issue 1
31-49
EN
Freedom is a multidimensional concept. It can be understood in many ways, which are often dependent on the ideological mainstream of thought of the era. On the one hand, freedom can be commonly understood as doing what one wants. On the other hand, you can argue about it as an example of inner freedom e.g. absolute freedom by Jean Paul Sartre. Another time, it is perceived in the aspect of external freedom such as political freedom. For John Stuart Mill and Isaiah Berlin political freedom was freedom in the liberal sense. Isaiah Berlin distinguished it on the positive freedom ("to") and negative freedom ("from"). Freedom has to be the source of human autonomy, individualism, the liberty of physical and intellectual development, i.e. not forced action at will. Thus understood freedom makes a man happy. It makes him the owner of a very valuable thing too: the ability of making choices. One should ask a fundamental question: does every human have the same freedom? As history shows, unfortunately, not every man is free to the same extent. As a result of labor division - since ancient times - the society evolved to class division; the rulers and the subjects. In this study, I intended to demonstrate that egalitarianism, of which people solicited wherever class inequality dominated (eg. slavery, feudalism, capital-ism, etc.) does not always go hand in hand with freedom. Egalitarianism may be the source of the formation of political paternalism - as in the case of communism in terms of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels. In the twenty-first century, in the era of consumerism, despite the dominance of pluralism and relative equality, it is still hard to talk about any kind of freedom. Zygmunt Bauman wrote about how people, inundated with variety of offers of consumerist market, become just slaves to the great commercial companies. Freedom is identified with buying i.e. the constant picking from vast range of goods and services. Those who do not meet the requirements of being active consumers, are excluded from consumerism community - becoming, according to Zygmunt Bauman, “the new poor”, unhappy people.
PL
Małe i średnie przedsiębiorstwa (MŚP) stanowią trzon sektora przedsiębiorstw w Polsce, zarówno pod względem liczebności, jak i udziału w strukturze zatrudnienia. Problematyka stosunków pracy w tym obszarze jest jednak stosunkowo słabo zbadana. W artykule podjęta jest próba scharakteryzowania tych szczególnego rodzaju stosunków społecznych przez odwołanie się do wyników badania sondażowego „Przedsiębiorcy 2011”, analizowanych w kontekście wiedzy zastanej, pochodzącej z literatury przedmiotu oraz opracowań statystycznych. Autor ustalił, że stosunki pracy w polskich MŚP pozostają dalece pluralistyczne, przedsiębiorcy wykazują silny indywidualizm – co przekłada się na niski potencjał samoorganizacji środowiska – i inklinacje paternalistyczne, a dominującym stylem kierowania jest autokracja. Środowisko wykazuje niski poziom kapitału społecznego, czego konsekwencją jest ograniczona zdolność i wola do tworzenia sieci współpracy przedsiębiorstw. Wysoki, choć nie skrajnie, jest poziom niechęci przedsiębiorców do zorganizowanej reprezentacji pracowniczej, szczególnie związków zawodowych. Obecność zorganizowanej reprezentacji pracowniczej w przedsiębiorstwach jest śladowa. Zainteresowanie instytucjami dialogu społecznego przedsiębiorców sektora MŚP i stan jego wiedzy na temat są umiarkowane. Nowym zjawiskiem wydaje się być zwrot ‘etatystyczno-egalitarny’, jaki wyłania się z analizy danych ze źródeł pierwotnych (badania „Przedsiębiorcy 2011”), co oznacza, że przedsiębiorcy sektora MŚP oczekują silniejszego niż ma to miejsce obecnie zaangażowania państwa w procesy gospodarcze, okazują rezerwę kapitałowi zagranicznemu oraz popierają niektóre rozwiązania charakterystyczne dla państwa opiekuńczego.
EN
Small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs ) form the core of the enterprise sector in Poland, both in terms of their numbers and their share in the structure of employment. However, the issue of employment relations in that area has been largely neglected in the research. The article attempts to sketch a picture of those specific type of social relations based on the data from the survey research project “Entrepreneurs 2011”, analyzed in the context of the existing body of knowledge, derived from the literature and statistical sources. The author states that employment relations in Polish SMEs are fundamentally pluralistic, entrepreneurs display a high level of individualism – which translates into a low capacity for self-organization – and have paternalistic inclinations, while the dominant management style is autocratic. Entrepreneurs suffer from a low level of social capital, which results in limited ability and willingness to form networks of enterprises. High, yet not extreme, is also the reluctance of entrepreneurs towards organized employee representation, especially trade unions. The presence of an organized worker representation in enterprises is marginal. Entrepreneurs are moderately interested in social dialogue institutions and their state of knowledge in the subject is limited. A new phenomenon, namely a shift of attitudes to etatism and egalitarianism seems to have emerged, as the analysis of data from primary sources (research “Entrepreneurs 2011”) suggests, which means that entrepreneurs of SMEs expect stronger states’ involvement in economic processes than it currently is, are skeptical towards foreign capital and support some practices typical for the welfare state.
EN
The political and philosophical thought of the seventeenth century, especially the Anglo-Saxon thought, combined the two seemingly separate issues: the ideal father of the family and the vision of the ideal kind. At that time, many writers developed a king-father analogy. They repeated that the king is like a father for his people and every father is the king for his family. The ideology of a patriarchal family and the idea of monarchical absolutism penetrate and complement each other, referring to the ideals of his father and the king. The king was to be treated like a father, the father (the patriarch) for family and servants – like a king. One of the supporters of patriarchalism and paternalism was Sir Robert Filmer. Another one was his most famous adversary John Locke. Filmer was a Protestant political writer, defender of the absolute power of the king and the patriarchal family. The controversy between Filmer, Hobbes and Locke in the field of political thought intertwined with their reflections on the family.
EN
This article discusses the formation of the Russian model in a comparative analysis of three major organizational models of the world: American, European and Asian. We consider also the experience of post-Soviet transformation of organizational culture and the dominant models of organization, socio-cultural features that affect their dynamic interac- tion.
EN
This paper deals with issues related to  the principle of  human autonomy, and thus the autonomy of the patient’s will. It takes into consideration the origins of the above principle both in the US and Polish law, taking into account bioethical issues. It also points to the relation of autonomy to paternalism. Simultaneously, it attempts to identify the actual implementation of the principle of autonomy of a patient staying at a penitentiary and its possible limitations.
PL
Niniejsze opracowanie podejmuje tematykę związaną z  zasadą autonomii człowieka i co się z tym wiąże – autonomii woli pacjenta. Podejmuje rozważania dotyczące genezy zasady autonomii zarówno na gruncie prawa amerykańskiego, jak i polskiego, a także w odniesieniu do kwestii bioetycznych. Wskazuje również na relację autonomii w stosunku do paternalizmu. Tekst ten jednocześnie podejmuje próbę wskazania faktycznej realizacji zasady autonomii pacjenta przebywającego w miejscu detencji oraz jej ewentualne ograniczenia.
DE
Der Beitrag untersucht den Wandel in der Auffassung der Autonomie des Patienten in Spanien, wo in den Beziehungen zwischen dem Arzt und dem Patienten traditionsgemäss der Paternalismus und in der ideologischen Sphäre die Lehre der katholischen Kirche herrschte. Die Systemumwandlung im Land nach dem Untergang der Diktatur von Francisco Franco (1937–1975) führte zu bedeutenden Umwandlungen auch in der Frage der Bioethik. Das wachsende Gefühl der Bürgerschaft verband sich dort mit der zunehmenden Bedeutung der Autonomie des Patienten, was auf einigen Stufen in Erscheinung trat: der legislatorischen Stufe (das Recht auf Autonomie des Patienten), der gesellschaftlichen (die im Bereich der Gesundheitsfürsorge tätigen Nichtregierungsorganisationen), der Bewusstseinsstufe (die Zunahme am Bewusstsein der Patientenrechte, die reflexive Betrachtung der Beziehung zum medizinischen Personal) und der ideologischen Stufe (die Kritik des Paternalismus, bürgerliche Bioethik, die Kritik an der Kommerzialisierung der Medizin). Darüber hinaus entscheidet über die Eigenart der aktuellen Situation in Spanien die Umwertung des katholischen Erbes und die Abkehr von der Kirchenlehre im bürgerlichen Modell der Bioethik, die sich in der Liberalisierung des Abtreibungsrechts, des Rechts auf unterstütze Fortpflanzung, genetische Präimplantationsdiagnostik und Forschungen auf Embryos manifestiert.
EN
The paper focuses on the changing perception of bioethics and the patient’s autonomy in Spain where paternalism and  Catholic  Church teachings  shaped relationships between  physicians and patients for many long years. The country’s political transformation following the collapse of Francisco Franco’s dictatorship (1936–1975) has also brought major changes on matters of bioethics. The growing sense of civic virtue has enhanced the importance of the patient’s autonomy in medicine. This manifests itself on several levels: in legislation (law on patient’s autonomy), in the social field (NGOs operating in medical care), in growing awareness of patients’ rights and critical approach to relations with medical professionals) as well as in ideology (criticism of paternalism, civic bioethics, disapproval of commercialization in medicine). Moreover, the specificity of the current situation in Spain is also determined by a re-evaluation of the Catholic Church’s heritage and abandonment of its teachings in civic bioethics and consequently, by liberalization of the abortion law as well as enactment of legal regulations  on assisted reproduction, pre-implantation genetic diagnosis and embryo research.
PL
Tekst dotyczy przemian pojmowania autonomii pacjenta w Hiszpanii, gdzie tradycyjnie w relacjach między lekarzem a pacjentem dominował paternalizm, a w sferze ideologicznej – nauczanie Kościoła katolickiego. Transformacja ustrojowa w kraju po upadku dyktatury Francisco Franco (1936–1975) doprowadziła do znaczących przeobrażeń również w kwestii bioetyki. Rosnące poczucie obywatelskości łączyło się tam ze wzrastaniem znaczenia autonomii pacjenta, co przejawia się na kilku poziomach: legislacyjnym (prawo o autonomii pacjenta), społecznym (organizacje pozarządowe aktywne w sferze opieki medycznej), świadomościowym (wzrost świadomości praw pacjenta, refleksyjne podejście do relacji z personelem medycznym), a także ideologicznym (krytyka paternalizmu, bioetyka obywatelska, krytyka komercjalizacji medycyny). Ponadto, o specyfice obecnej sytuacji w Hiszpanii decyduje przewartościowanie katolickiego dziedzictwa, odejście od nauczania Kościoła w obywatelskim modelu bioetyki, manifestujące się liberalizacją prawa aborcyjnego, prawa dotyczącego wspomaganej reprodukcji, preimplantacyjnej diagnostyki genetycznej i badań na embrionach.
16
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Content available

The Stateczne gniazdo

58%
Family Forum
|
2021
|
vol. 11
287-311
EN
In my essay The sober nest i wrote about families from XIXth century and twenty years before the second world war. i noticed that in the second half of XIXth century the culture stopped idealizing a family and presented it as the ambivalent background. But there was conservative structure, too – duties were found more important than emotions. Families were regarded rather as economical entities: the Mincel in The doll by Bolesław Prus or the Boryna in The peasants by Władysław Reymont are examples. i  recalled Anna Karenina by Lew Tołstoj with the motto: ’Merry families are all similar; every unhappy family is unhappy in their own way’. This novel describes conservative families as patriotic, useful, but oppressive. In The magic hill Tomasz Mann characterizes the sober family as a bit milder. Michał Szołochow in his novel The silent Don accents paternalism in the Melechow family – parents don’t take care of Grzegorz’s needs. The heroes of the novel La regenta by Leopold Alas are similar: too conservative family thinks they know what is good for the protagonist who feels like an object. Ulloa manor by Emilia Bazan demitologises the family institution who makes Julian become a priest and orders Marcelina to marry a man she finds dishonest. The Portuguese writer Eco Queiros presents a bourgeoise family objectively and ironically. The novel The old people and the ephemeral things by Louis Couperus is similar. The Forsyte saga by John Galsworthy describes the ‘heroic’ aspect of the family institution and Arsieniew’s life by Iwan Bunin seems to glorify old-fashioned, Russian gentry families.
PL
W mojej pracy Stateczne gniazdo pisałam o rodzinach z XIX wieku i dwudziestolecia międzywojennego. Zauważyłam, że w II połowie XIX wieku kultura przestała idealizować rodzinę i przedstawiała ją jako środowisko ambiwalentne. Lecz jednocześnie była to także struktura konserwatywna – powinności uważano za ważniejsze od uczuć. Rodziny traktowano raczej jako jednostki produkcyjne: przykładami są Minclowie w Lalce Bolesława Prusa lub Borynowie w Chłopach Władysława Reymonta. Przywołałam Annę Kareninę Lwa Tołstoja wraz z mottem: ”Wszystkie szczęśliwe rodziny są do siebie podobne, każda nieszczęśliwa rodzina jest nieszczęśliwa na swój sposób”. Ta powieść opisuje rodziny zachowawcze jako patriotyczne, pożyteczne, ale opresyjne. w Czarodziejskiej górze Tomasz Mann charakteryzuje stateczną rodzinę jako trochę łagodniejszą. Michał Szołochow w powieści Cichy Don akcentuje paternalizm w rodzinie Melechowów – rodzice nie liczą się z potrzebami Grzegorza. Bohaterowie powieści Regentka Leopolda Alasa są podobni: zbyt konserwatywna rodzina myśli, że wie, co jest dobre dla protagonistki, która czuje się jak rzecz. Dwór w Ulloa Emilii Bazan demitologizuje instytucję rodziny, która każe Julianowi zostać księdzem, a Marcelinie poślubić człowieka, którego uważa ona za osobę nieuczciwą. Portugalski pisarz Eco Queiros przedstawia rodzinę mieszczańską w sposób rzeczowy i sarkastyczny. Powieść Ludzie starzy i sprawy przemijające Louisa Couperusa jest podobna. Saga rodu Forsyte’ów Johna Galsworthy’ego opisuje „heroiczny” aspekt instytucji rodziny, zaś Życie Arsieniewa Iwana Bunina zdaje się gloryfikować staroruskie rodziny szlacheckie.
PL
Celem niniejszego tekstu jest rekonstrukcja wybranych teorii kryminologicznych. Świadomie pomijam koncepcje o innym profilu, koncentrując się na kategorii płci kulturowej jako kluczowej. Celem moich rozważań nie jest przedstawienie całościowej wizji kryminologicznych koncepcji przestępczości kobiet lecz tylko pewnego jej wycinka. Treść narracji jest zatem częściowo reprezentatywna dla przedstawionego problemu, a w dalszych eksploracjach podejmę próbę uwzględnienia perspektyw teoretycznych w innych nurtach, które związane są ze studiami nad kobiecością (ang. gender studies).
EN
The aim of this text is to reconstruct selected criminological theories. I consciously ignore concepts of a different profile, focusing on gender as a key category. The aim of my deliberations is not to present a comprehensive vision of the criminological concepts of female crime, but only a certain portion of it. The content of the narrative is therefore partly representative of the problem presented, and in further explorations I will attempt to take into account theoretical perspectives in other trends related to studies on femininity (gender studies).
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EN
The article shows how important and necessary are the principles established by a judgment of one of the Nuremberg Trials. It also shows an emanation of these rules in two areas: in law and in ethics. The text also reveals how close to each other are those areas, when we talk about the medical law. The work focuses on the autonomy of the patient and the prerequisites on which the consent to a medical experiment is valid.
PL
Artykuł przedstawia, jak ważne i potrzebne okazały się zasady sformułowane w jednym z wyroków kończących tzw. procesy norymberskie. Ukazuje też emanację tych zasad w dwóch sferach normatywnych: prawnej oraz etycznej. Tekst ujawnia również, jak bliskie sobie są te sfery w przypadku kwestii regulowanych przez tzw. prawo medyczne. Praca skupia się na autonomii pacjenta/probanta oraz przesłankach stanowiących o ważności zgody na eksperyment medyczny.
EN
The aim of this text is to reconstruct selected criminological theories. I consciously ignore concepts of a different profile, focusing on gender as a key category. The aim of my deliberations is not to present a comprehensive vision of the criminological concepts of female crime, but only a certain portion of it. The content of the narrative is therefore partly representative of the problem presented, and in further explorations I will attempt to take into account theoretical perspectives in other trends related to studies on femininity (gender studies).
PL
Celem niniejszego tekstu jest rekonstrukcja wybranych teorii kryminologicznych. Świadomie pomijam koncepcje o innym profilu, koncentrując się na kategorii płci kulturowej jako kluczowej. Celem moich rozważań nie jest przedstawienie całościowej wizji kryminologicznych koncepcji przestępczości kobiet lecz tylko pewnego jej wycinka. Treść narracji jest zatem częściowo reprezentatywna dla przedstawionego problemu, a w dalszych eksploracjach podejmę próbę uwzględnienia perspektyw teoretycznych w innych nurtach, które związane są ze studiami nad kobiecością (ang. gender studies).
PL
Koreańczycy wieku XXI dążą do stania się społeczeństwem zaawansowanym. Materialna obfitość może być warunkiem wstępnym dla rozwiniętego społeczeństwa, ale ważniejsze i bardziej istotne jest przejrzyste i sprawiedliwe wdrażanie społeczeństwa, w którym wszystkim członkom społeczeństwa zapewnia się równe szanse, a sprawiedliwa konkurencja zapewnia uczciwe zasady. Niestety, w społeczeństwie koreańskim, prawie we wszystkich jego warstwach, korupcja i niesprawiedliwość / niemoralność są wciąż nieokiełznane.Uważam, że takie zjawisko wynika z słabego poczucia rządów prawa w społeczeństwie koreańskim w porównaniu z innymi krajami rozwiniętymi. Dlatego w tym artykule rozważa się strukturę świadomości Koreańczyków, która umożliwia to i sprawia, że trudniej jest wykorzenić takie podejście, skupiając się na konfucjanizmie, który kładzie nacisk na humanizm lub paternalizm, a nie na rządach prawa, oraz na mentalności/świadomości koreańskiego szamanizmu, który pasywnie podchodzi walki ze złem.
KO
21세기 현재 한국인들은 선진사회로 도약하기 위해 몸부림치고 있다. 물질적 풍요로움이 선진사회의 전제조건이 될 수도 있겠으나, 그에 우선하여 보다 중요하고 필수적인 것이 사회의 구성원 모두에게 균등한 기회가 부여되고 공정한 룰에 의한 선의의 경쟁이 보장되는 투명하고 정의로운 사회구현이다. 그러나 아쉽게도 한국사회에서는 정치, 경제, 교육 등 모든 분야에서 부정과 부패가 근절되지 않은 채 여전히 불의가 기승을 부리고 있다.필자는 그러한 현상이, 기존의 선진국가들과 비교할 때, 한국사회에서의 미흡한 법치 그리고 한국인들의 미약한 준법정신에서 비롯된다고 판단한다. 따라서 이 논문에서는 그러한 것들을 가능케하고 또한 쉽게 근절하기 어렵게 만드는 한국인의 의식구조를 법치주의보다는 인본주의 혹은 온정주의를 강조하는 유교, 그리고 악과의 투쟁을 적극적으로 시도하지 않는 무속의 의식구조를 중심으로 하여 고찰한다.
EN
As of the 21st century, Koreans are struggling to achieve an advanced society. Material abundance may be a prerequisite for advanced society, but what is more important and essential is transparent and just society implementation in which an equal opportunity is given to all members of society and fair competition is ensured by fair rules. Unfortunately, in the Korean society, almost in all the layers of it, corruption and injustice/ immorality are still rampant.I believe that such a phenomenon comes from the weak sense of the rule of law in Korean society compared with the other developed countries. Therefore, this paper considers the structure of consciousness of Koreans, which makes such things possible and makes it harder to eradicate, centered on Confucianism which emphasizes humanism or paternalism rather than the rule of law, and the mindset/ consciousness of Korean shamanism which does not actively try to fight against evil.
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