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EN
Nowadays, the diversity of armed conflicts determines the participants of international relations to undertake various actions in the scope of civilian health protection. It should be noted that tasks resulting from civilian protection are fulfilled in numerous manners, depending on the situation of the armed conflict. The article presents actions undertaken by the armed forces in the scope of the civilian health protection during peacekeeping and stabilization missions. There are also presented engagement of Polish armed forces in Afghanistan and their actions to improve the civilian population.
EN
Despite regulatory and legal changes, women are persistently underrepresented in military organisations on peacekeeping missions. This article argues that part of the reason for this can be found in persistent stereotypical ideas about gender roles, and looks at the attitudes and experience of Polish military personnel who have been deployed on peacekeeping missions as evidence of this. However, witnessing other militaries stance on gender, where such stereotypes are still there, but not as entrenched, can cause personnel to contextualise if not question their own organisation’s stance on gender. Sixteen Polish military peacekeepers were interviewed in-depth about their experiences on peacekeeping missions as part of a European H2020 project, Gaming for Peace (GAP). The interviews were used to build scenarios for a digital role-playing game to develop soft skills among peacekeeping personnel, and these soft skills included gender awareness. This article analyses the interviews to explore the experience of gender for both men and women in the Polish military, and shows that there is an urgent need for the type of training in gender awareness that is part of GAP.
EN
The paper deals with the activity of the Ukrainian diplomacy at the UN Security Council from 2016 to 2017, when Ukraine was a non-permanent member of the Security Council. The author analyzes problems of functional activity of the UN Security Council in the conditions of crisis of the international security system and Russia’s aggression against Ukraine. The main stages of confrontation on the issue of the UN peacekeeping operation in the Donbas and solution of the problems of restoring the territorial integrity of Ukraine are analyzes. The Security Council is charged with maintaining peace and security among countries. While other organs of the UN can only make recom- mendations to member states, the Security Council has the power to make binding decisions that member states have agreed to carry out, under the terms of Charter Article 25. The decisions of the Council are known as the United Nations Security Council resolutions. The Security Council is made up of fifteen member states, consisting of five permanent members — China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom, and the United States — and ten non-permanent members elected for two-year terms by the General Assembly. The five permanent members hold veto power over the UN Resolutions. The presidency of the Security Council rotates alphabetically each month. The UN, after approved by the Security Council sends peacekeepers to regions where armed conflict has recently ceased or paused to enforce the terms to peace agreements and to discourage combatants from resuming hostilities. Since the UN does not maintain its own military, peacekeeping forces are voluntary provided by member states.
EN
strategy, approaches to Eastern Europe and Ukrainian security issues, sanctions against Russia, EU missions to Ukraine. The object of the study is to distinguish and reconstruct the most important concepts underlying the security law of the EU, the legal ideology thereof and its implementation in the situation of Russian-Ukrainian armed conflict. The same way, the study provides a new key to understand the principal conceptual transformations of the international security law. The study shows that EU has implemented a wide range of non-military peacekeeping / anti-crisis instruments of its foreign policy in response to Russia’s armed aggression against Ukraine, in particular, political, diplomatic, economic, trade, civilian operational. And they should not be derogated. But, given the general features of the development of the Union’s foreign and security law and policy, there is no reason to expect that the Union will play a crucial role in restoring Ukraine’s territorial integrity. Instead, as the authors propose, the intentions, potential and tools of the EU’s “soft power”, including the potential of two functioning EU missions, should be fully exploited to de-escalate the crisis, enhance the resilience and economic development of the Ukrainian state, and manage conflicts in Ukrainian society. That could be the proper way to implement positively the new international security law paradigm potential.
PL
Źródłem istotnej zmiany ról, funkcji, zadań sił zbrojnych pozostaje w ostatnim czasiedokonująca się dynamicznie zmiana ładu międzynarodowego. W ładzie minionym,w czasach zimnej wojny, znaczenie oraz użyteczność sił zbrojnych nie podlegały dyskusji,były oczywiste i zrozumiale. Zagrożenia i ich struktura były znane w wystarczającymdla racjonalnego przewidywania i planowania czasie. W związku z charakteremzagrożeń dla interesów życiowych całego państwa – od ideologicznych po gospodarcze– nie występowały dylematy dotyczące użycia sił zbrojnych. Jasne i osiągalne były celestawiane przed siłami zbrojnymi. W nowym środowisku międzynarodowym w istocienie wiadomo, jakie interesy powinny być chronione przy państwo; prawie niemożliwestaje się określenie teatrów działań państwa. Dobiega końca kolejny rok tzw. wojnyz terroryzmem. Przedwczesna byłaby próba udzielenia odpowiedzi na postawione pytanie,jak mają wyglądać skuteczne metody działania sił zbrojnych w czasie misji humanitarnych.Podobnie jak trudno opisać wymogi współczesnej walki zbrojnej.
EN
Recently, the ongoing dynamic transformation of the international order has activatedsignificant changes in the roles, functions and tasks of the military. In the erstwhile,Cold War order, the significance and utility of the armed forces were indisputable, obvious and intelligible. Jeopardies and their structures would be recognised at the timesufficient for undertaking any rational actions against them. The character of these jeopardiesranging from ideological to economic influencing vital state interests wouldcause few dilemmas as regards the exercise of the armed forces. The rationale behind thearmed forces was therefore clear and workable. In the new international environment it is far more difficult to recognise which interestsought to be safeguarded by the state, and delineating state activity theatres borderson infeasibility. Another year of the so-called war on terrorism is coming to its close. Anattempt both to provide an answer to the question of the effectiveness of the military’soperational methods utilized during humanitarian missions and to demarcate the responsibilitiesof the contemporary warfare would be untimely.
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