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EN
Our main purpose was to look into the correspondence relation between the macro-level normative planning within higher education (implemented by the Romanian communist state) and the de facto micro-level occupational mobility of higher education graduates. We unraveled a consistent lack of correspondence between higher education graduates’ flows and economic production, split on different areas (i.e. industry, agriculture, services). In this light, the production of services significantly increased during communism, given an insignificant oscillation in the number of specialists in services, and in spite of the state’s priority to support industrial production by sustaining large numbers of technical higher education graduates. Identifying time series data on education, population and economy, we explored trends from cross national (i.e. Romania in the context of the Eastern Communist Block) and cross topic (i.e. education, demography and economy) perspectives. We used regression equations to estimate linear trends, the Dickey-Fuller test for stationary checking, and the original stationary variable differencing for oscillation comparative purposes. Our main finding was that the inflation of technical higher education graduates, triggered by the Romanian communist state to support the industry, backfired an informal individual occupational mobility towards urban areas that offered jobs in the service sector.
EN
Comparative analysis as a research method to study the process of system transformation in the countries of Central-Eastern Europe often overlooks the fact that the transition from market economy to planned economy was effected in this part of the continent more than once after 1945. The aim of the paper is to recall and specify the research problem of a reverse phenomenon, namely transition from the omnipotence of the state in economy to consent to the operation of the market laws. The main hypothesis is that Poland can justifiably be considered not only a forerunner of such changes (which is a distinction in its own right), but first and foremost the laboratory guinea pig (not a very gratifying status). Regardless of how one assesses either of the above prospects, one thing is beyond doubt: the impact of external factors on the course of the transformation. Working hypotheses show which of these factors, in what order and scale can be judged essential for a successful transformation. This is still an object of controversies even after almost thirty years since the beginning of transformation in our part of Europe.
EN
This article attempts to present the question of ideas of Polish heterodox economist Michał Kalecki on the planned economies and general problems with capitalist and post-capitalist systems. To analyze the problem I start with Kalecki’'s theory of capitalist crisis, question of effective demand and full employment, and then describe the quasi-model of democratic planned economy. Next, I focus on relations of workers’' self-management with central planning and motivation problems under state-run economy. I also put on agenda the so-called shortage problem, analyzed by the Kalecki’'s supporter, Andrea Szego, in opposition to neo-classical approach of Hungarian economist Janos Kornai.
EN
According to the official communist rhetoric, the assignment of higher education graduates to socialist enterprises and/or institutions was ‘an action with profound social-political meanings, which aims to ensure the production units and other areas which the specialists they need’. The closure of the top most populated 14 cities starting with 1981 combined with the economic crisis of the 1980s and with various measures of the regime perceived as absurd, and made the system more restrictive than ever before. This study focuses on the changes of the job supply for graduates of the University of Bucharest during the 1980s, and on the process of assigning graduates to their work-place.
EN
My paper sets to analyze the Soviet policy on access to higher education during the last four decades of existence of the USSR, with a particular focus on the Ukrainian case. It includes the analysis of discourses on planned economy and central regulations regarding access to universities, and a discussion on official and unofficial benefits (Russian original ‘blat’) during the admission process. The findings led to the conclusion that the number of students, which increased four point four times between 1950 and 1990, was less significant per 100,000 people; thus, generally speaking, access to university education continued to be rather restrictive in social terms. This was one of the main causes of the slow development of Soviet Ukraine in scientific and technological areas.
EN
Perceiving work competition as a strategic practice of a selected social system the author of the article examines the relationship between work competition and (public) holidays in the period of the first five-year economic plat of the Socialist Federal Rebublic of Yugoslavia (1947-1952). This relationship was mutual and similarly as in other socialist countries centrally planned as well as directed: holidays helped spreading the idea of competitive way of working as well as they helped structuring (working) time. On the other hand work competition helped rooting the new system of public holidays as well as it also structured and shaped holidays.
EN
The paper deals with the topic of the employment of the Polish workers in post- -war Czechoslovakia. Analysed are mainly the features of the Czechoslovak workforce policy with some insight into the political context of the Czechoslovak-Polish relations. Despite the tensions, the employment of Polish citizens in Czechoslovak coal mines continued after the war in line with the laws of supply and demand. The advantages of the temporary border crossing, were enjoyed and quietly tolerated by both parties. First, with the start of the five- and six-year Plans in both countries, this development conformed with the demands of the centrally directed policy for the distribution of workforce stemming from a planned economy. From its very beginning, recruitment of Polish agricultural workers represented a method employed by the government in its attempt to cope with the permanent shortage of workers in the post-war Czechoslovak labour market. Just like the other emergency measures, it was accompanied by disproportions in economic costs. The influence of political symbols which were detrimental to the economy were also among the specific attributes of this arrangements. The development in both cases reveals a change in the economic as well as political thinking on the threshold of the communist rule.
EN
Anti-liberalism and Collectivism. The Politics and Economy from World War II to 1970s, based on Example of Polish Reconstruction Plans written during the War The article is an attempt at reconstructing the views and motivations of statism, nationalization and the planned economy – dominant in the world economy (including in the so-called capitalist world) from the 1930s, and particularly after World War II. The author invokes one little-known example of particular interest to the Polish reader, that of the manifestoes of underground political parties written during World War II, both under occupation and in emigration. They all envisions fundamental changes in Poland’ s economic structure after the war: both the left and the right (while differing significantly) assumed a greater role for economic planning and nationalization of key industries (including banking, transport, energy and large industrial enterprises). Authors from the left to the right side of the spectrum associated the free market with irrationality, ineffeciency and chaos. Without an understanding of this state of mind, it is impossible to understand economic policy from the end of World War II until at least the 1970s.
Nowa Krytyka
|
2015
|
issue 34
177-207
EN
The collapse of „"real socialism”" in b. The USSR and European countries in the 90s of the twentieth century strengthened the counter-revolution, global capitalism and imperialism. Capitalism has entered the era of globalization and subsequent crises that overcomes in Europe through integration, while globally by a new wars. The contradictions of the capitalist, big unemployment, crises, wars and class antagonisms between the bourgeoisie (oligarchy) and the proletariat (prekariatem), the imperialist states and the countries of the so-called. 3rd world contribute to the growth of anti-capitalist forces, including the international communist movement and the search for a new intake of scientific socialism -– suitable for the conditions of the knowledge society, globalization and the contradictions of the 21st century. In China and Cuba created new theories which Marxism matched to local conditions for growth. In the international communist movement takes place a multilateral discussion on contemporary Marxism and socialism of the XXI century. The basic problem is to define the main force of the revolutionary, socialist market economy, diversity and unity of the communist movement, the possibility of unity and cooperation communists, socialists and social democrats.
PL
W 1923 r. Związek Radziecki zaczął otrzymywać kredyty od firm zagranicznych na okres od 3 do 6 miesięcy. Pomimo oficjalnej blokady kredytowej prywatni przedsiębiorcy byli zainteresowani w ekspansji eksportowej na jeszcze nie zdobyty rynek radziecki. Ekspansja ta musiała być poparta akcją kredytową. Blokada kredytowa wpłynęła jednak na wysokie koszty kredytów udzielonych w pierwszym okresie odbudowy przez firmy i banki zagraniczne. Były to w początkowej fazie krótkoterminowe kredyty handlowe, przeznaczone w większości na finansowanie radzieckiego importu wyrobów gotowych, gdyż przeważała w tym okresie polityka interwencji towarowej. W latach 1921-1925 głównymi rodzajami kredytów zagranicznych związanych z importem radzieckim były: a) kupieckie kredyty wekslowe, b) kredyty akceptacyjno-rembursowe banków zagranicznych. Począwszy od 1926 r. rządy krajów kapitalistycznych zaczęły udzielać wsparcia przedsiębiorstwom przemysłowym eksportującym towary do ZSRR na warunkach kredytów wekslowych. Za otrzymaną gwarancję ze strony państwa eksporterzy musieli płacić odpowiednim organom prowizję, którą z kolei wraz z odsetkami od kredytu zobowiązane były im zwrócić radzieckie organizacje importowe. Podstawową zasadą polityki handlowej Związku Radzieckiego w latach 1918-1940 było dostosowanie importu do określonych w planie potrzeb. Ogólny państwowy plan handlowy zawierał zestawienie przewidywanych ilości eksportu oraz dostosowany i zaprojektowany do tego import. Starano się w ten sposób uzyskać dodatni bilans handlowy. Na mocy zatwierdzonego planu Komisariat Handlu Zagranicznego, korzystając ze środków uzyskanych z eksportu, realizował plan importu, zakupując za granicą towary na możliwie dogodnych warunkach. W ciągu roku operacyjnego dokonywana była kontrola eksportu i w stosunku do jego postępów wydawano zezwolenia na przywóz do ZSRR (w formie licencji), które wymieniały kraj, rodzaj towaru oraz kwotę, na jaką należało zakupić dany towar.
EN
In 1923 the Soviet Union began to receive credits from foreign firms for periods of 3 to 6 months. Despite an official credit blockade private entrepreneurs were interested in expanding their businesses into the yet unexplored Soviet market. This expansion had to rely on lending activity. However, the blockade made foreign bank and company loans expensive in the first period of reconstruction. Initially, these were short-term commercial credits, mostly intended to finance the Soviet imports of finished products since the circulation of goods was mostly regulated by the State interventionist policy at that time. In the years 1921–1925, the major types of foreign credits associated with Soviet imports were: a) trade credits secured with bills of exchange, b) acceptance-reimbursement credits of foreign banks. Starting in 1926 the governments of capitalist countries began to support industrial companies exporting goods to the USSR on credits secured with bills of exchange. Exporters had to pay a commission to certain institutions for guarantees they were given by the State. The commission along with interest on the credits was reimbursable by the Soviet import organisations. The basic rule of the trading policy in the Soviet Union of 1918–1940 was to adjust imports to a particular demand specified in the plan. The general State trading plan established assumed volumes of export and relevant imports. In this way, a positive trade balance was attempted. Using the endorsed plan as the starting point and the resources coming from exports, the Commissariat of Foreign Trade executed the plan of imports buying goods abroad on convenient terms. During the fiscal year, exports were monitored and based on its volume permissions (licences) were issued to bring goods into USSR stating the country of origin, kind of goods and the price for which they were to be bought
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