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1
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Fortis-lenis vs voiced-voiceless plosives in Welsh

100%
Asmus S., Jaworski S., Baran M.
Linguistics Beyond and Within
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2020
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vol. 6
5-16
EN
This paper questions the voiceless-voiced distinction of Welsh consonants and claims that the fortis-lenis distinction is more appropriate for the description of the language. In light of research results of theoretical as well as experimental investigations into Welsh, e.g. the vowel-coda length dependence discovered by Asmus and Grawunder (2017), advocated further research into that matter, seeing also that the fortis-lenis distinction establishes a firm link to focal properties of Welsh, such as morpheme-initial consonant mutations (mICM). It was, therefore, decided to look at potential phonetic features that would contribute to the postulated distinction. These features are aspiration, voicing, hold phase duration and the centre of gravity (abbreviated to CoG) in the articulation of Welsh plosives. Preliminary results of the study discussed in this paper were summarised in “Fortis-lenis or Voiced-voiceless – features of Welsh consonants” (Asmus et al. 2019). However, expanding our research has yielded more comprehensive findings. As a result, it appears that the two series of plosives under review are different in terms of all features studied, but it is aspiration that is of major importance (thus confirming classifications of Welsh as an aspiration language).
2
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Immediate and Distracted Imitation in Second-Language Speech: Unreleased Plosives in English

100%
Rojczyk A., Porzuczek A., Bergier M.
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2013
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vol. 11
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issue 1
3-18
EN
The paper investigates immediate and distracted imitation in second-language speech using unreleased plosives. Unreleased plosives are fairly frequently found in English sequences of two stops. Polish, on the other hand, is characterised by a significant rate of releases in such sequences. This cross-linguistic difference served as material to look into how and to what extent non-native properties of sounds can be produced in immediate and distracted imitation. Thirteen native speakers of Polish first read and then imitated sequences of words with two stops straddling the word boundary. Stimuli for imitation had no release of the first stop. The results revealed that (1) a non-native feature such as the lack of the release burst can be imitated; (2) distracting imitation impedes imitative performance; (3) the type of a sequence interacts with the magnitude of an imitative effect
3
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Immediate and Distracted Imitation in Second-Language Speech: Unreleased Plosives In English

100%
Rojczyk A., Porzuczek A., Bergier M.
|
2013
|
vol. 11
|
issue 1
3-18
EN
The paper investigates immediate and distracted imitation in second-language speech using unreleased plosives. Unreleased plosives are fairly frequently found in English sequences of two stops. Polish, on the other hand, is characterised by a significant rate of releases in such sequences. This cross-linguistic difference served as material to look into how and to what extent non-native properties of sounds can be produced in immediate and distracted imitation. Thirteen native speakers of Polish first read and then imitated sequences of words with two stops straddling the word boundary. Stimuli for imitation had no release of the first stop. The results revealed that (1) a non-native feature such as the lack of the release burst can be imitated; (2) distracting imitation impedes imitative performance; (3) the type of a sequence interacts with the magnitude of an imitative effect
4
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Stability of Phonetic Features of Czech Plosives in Spontaneous Speech

88%
Machač P., Skarnitzl R.
Studie z aplikované lingvistiky - Studies in Applied Linguistics
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2020
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vol. 11
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issue 2
16-36
EN
This study examines speech reductions in the spontaneous Czech of six young adult speakers. Specifically, intervocalic plosives are analysed from the perspective of phonetic features, with the aim to discover these features’ relative stability. Auditory analysis was used to determine the realisation types of plosives, and these types were then verified by acoustic analyses of duration, intensity range, harmonicity, and voicing profile. The results show that phonologically voiced plosives undergo reduction processes more (40%), with semi-vocalised realisation being the most frequent, while voiceless plosives are reduced less often (20%), with fricative-like realisation being the most frequent reduction. The least stable phonetic feature of Czech plosives is thus closure, as confirmed by all the analysed acoustic parameters.
5
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Fortis-lenis distinction of fricatives and plosives in Welsh – Phonetically distinctive factors

88%
Baran M.
Linguistics Beyond and Within
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2020
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vol. 6
47-59
EN
This paper continues a research project aimed at proving that the fortis-lenis distinction is more appropriate for studying the Welsh language than the voiced-voiceless divide. Previous analyses of articulatory timing revealed potentially distinctive features characteristic for Welsh plosives and fricatives. Even though the phonological features such as [spread glottis] or [voice] may be used both for distinguishing between the series of plosives and fricatives, the phonetic features responsible for the distinction are likely to differ due to the different phonetic nature of the manner of articulation and the position of fricatives and plosives (Honeybone 2005: 333–334). The aim of this paper is, therefore, to draw general conclusions from analysing the two sets of factors and find some universal features or characteristics of fortis and lenis obstruents in Welsh. Based on the previous studies, the importance of aspiration and voicing length are analysed in Welsh plosives. For fricatives, friction and voicing length are studied as potentially contrastive. The main hypotheses are that (i) phonetic voicing is not decisive in distinguishing between the two series of sounds in all places of articulation and (ii) other aspects of articulatory timing such as friction, aspiration length and hold phase duration appear to be more important in the fortis-lenis distinction and form a general pattern where the fortis sounds are generally longer than their lenis counterparts.
6

Eesti keele luhikeste klusiilide haalduse variatsioon ja seda mojutavad tegurid

75%
Ermus L.
Mäetagused
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2017
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vol. 68
27-52
EN
Plosives in Estonian have been considered voiceless. However, analysis has shown that short plosives tend to get at least partially voiced and otherwise reduced in connected speech. This seems to be quite a universal tendency in different languages. The present paper investigates short plosives in intervocalic position in most frequent content words. Phonetic materials were extracted from the Phonetic Corpus of Estonian Spontaneous Speech. Patterns in the reduction of plosives and possible influences of stress and vowel context were investigated. Two kinds of allophones emerged – those that were fully realised and had a distinguishable release burst, and the reduced ones that had lost the burst phase. The amount of reduced tokens differentiated the velar plosive [k] from others. As [p] and [t] both had over 65% of fully realised tokens, but over 60% of [k] tokens were reduced. [k] also had most different allophones. Among fully realised tokens there were voiceless, partially voiced, and fully voiced allophones. The voiceless allophone was the rarest, 19% tokens of [p] and only 10% of [t] and [k] were voiceless. Most frequent allophones among phonemes were partially voiced for [p] (29%), fully voiced for [t] (37%), and reduced voiced for [k] (47%). Closure durations were related to place of articulation. [p] had the longest average durations and [t] the shortest. Across all tokens [k] and [t] had similar average durations but within allophones durations were closer between [k] and [p]. Burst durations were the longest, around 30 ms for [k] and almost the same duration, between 21–23 ms, for [p] and [t], with the exception of the voiceless allophone [t], which was 27 ms. Closure durations differed significantly between [p] and [t] and burst durations were significantly different between [k] and other phonemes. Stressed positions included both lexical and contrastive stresses. Stress had some effect on the allophonic distribution but almost none on durations. As expected, there were more voiceless and partially voiced tokens in stressed position and more reduced tokens and total loss in unstressed position. Differences were the biggest for [t] and the smallest for [k]. Durations differed very little, whereas none were statistically significant. Vowel context had some influence on allophonic distribution. The influence was the biggest on [t]. Overall, there were more fricative and approximant tokens around [i].[t] had more partially voiced tokens and less voiced tokens around labial vowels [o, u]. There were more reduced [k] tokens around [a] and [i]. On durations the vowel context again influenced [t] the most. Durations between all vowel contexts were statistically different for [t] (p<.01); the longest durations appeared after [i]. In general, the present study confirms the results of the previous ones. Allophonic distribution is very similar to the previous study of Estonian spontaneous speech. Closures were at least partially voiced in most cases which refer to carry-over voicing of the previous vowel. Vocal cord vibration stops for a very brief time or does not stop at all during short closure times. Burst durations appear to be longer in spontaneous speech than in read speech. Little influence of stress is in accordance with findings in the studies on Estonian and some other languages. Vowel influences were dependent on the place of articulation. Bilabial [p] was the least affected both in allophonic variation and in durations. Velar [k] was influenced by the vowel context but it mostly occurred in whole as extensive reduction; different vowels had more effect on the allophonic variation than in the case of [p] but durations were almost unaffected. Influences on [t] mostly occurred as significant duration differences; yet, also some differences in allophonic variation occurred.
7
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The Influence of Bilingualism on the Production of Plosive Sounds in L1 (Arabic) and L2 (English): Acoustic Analysis of the Duration of Preceding and Following Vowels

75%
Abunima S., Raihan Syed Jaafar S., Hamid S. A.
Academic Journal of Modern Philology
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2021
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issue 14
25-44
EN
This paper used the plosives’ duration of preceding (DoPV) and following (DOFV) vowels to investigate the effect of bilingualism on the pronunciation difficulties for Arabic as an L1 and English as an L2. The subjects were divided into three groups; Arabic-English bilinguals who speak Arabic as an L1 (N: 15), Arabic monolinguals (N: 15), and English native monolinguals (N: 5). The participants had a reading test as they produced the target words in carrier sentences with five repetitions. The results showed that the plosives’ DoPV and DoFV for L1 and L2 had complicated interactions categorised into four types. 1- a unidirectional impact of L1 on L2, 2. a unidirectional impact of L2 on L1, 3. bidirectional effect, and 4. Free L1-L2 interference. The outcomes additionally revealed that the bilinguals faced production difficulties that included similar and dissimilar Arabic and English plosives. Besides, the bilinguals succeeded in producing DoPV in a native-like way for dis/similar plosives. Consequently, this paper assumed that the pronunciations’ difficulties are not necessarily associated with the dis/similarity in the context of L1-L2 interaction. This paper helps Arabic-English bilinguals in developing their pronunciation by highlighting the plosives’ pronunciation complexity.
8
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Acoustic Features of Burst Release: A Study of Welsh Plosives

63%
Jaworski S., Baran M.
Roczniki Humanistyczne
|
2021
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vol. 69
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issue 11
89-105
PL
Cechy akustyczne środka ciężkości plozji: studium walijskich spółgłosek zwarto-wybuchowych Celem niniejszego artykułu jest przeanalizowanie środka ciężkości plozji walijskich spółgłosek zwarto- wybuchowych co pozwoliłoby ocenić znaczenie tego czynnika w rozróżnianiu między /p, t, k/ (w artykule określane jako mocno artykułowane – fortis) a /b, d, g/ (w artykule określane jako słabo artykułowane – lenis). Środek ciężkości plozji wydaje się szczególnie interesujący ponieważ: (i) nie był jeszcze dogłębnie analizowany w badaniach fonetycznych walijskich spółgłosek zwarto-wybuchowych (por. Ball 1984; Ball i Williams 2011; Jones 1984; Morris i Hejná 2019) oraz (ii) używanie środka ciężkości plozji jako czynnika różnicującego między spółgłoskami zwarto-wybuchowymi jest dosyć rzadkie, jako że tego czynnika używa się zwykle do różnicowania między spółgłoskami szczelinowymi o różnych miejscach artykulacji. Aby osiągnąć wspomniane wcześniej cele, autorzy artykułu, zainspirowani badaniem spółgłosek zwarto-wybuchowych amerykańskiej odmiany języka angielskiego przeprowadzonym przez duet Chodroff i Wilson (2014), zmierzyli środek ciężkości plozji w nagłosie dla /p, b, t, d, k, g/.
EN
The aim of this paper is to analyse the centre of gravity (COG) of release bursts in Welsh plosives in order to assess their importance in distinguishing between /p, t, k/ (here termed fortis) and /b, d, g/ (here termed lenis). The COG of a release burst appears to be particularly interesting as (i) it has not yet been studied extensively in the phonetic scientific literature on Welsh plosives (see for instance Ball, Ball and Williams, Jones, Morris and Hejná), and (ii) using the COG variable to distinguish between stops is not very common, as it is normally used to differentiate between places of articulation in fricatives. To achieve the aforementioned goals, the authors, inspired by a study of American English plosives conducted by Chodroff and Wilson, measured the COG of bursts in word-initial /p, b, t, d, k, g/.
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