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PT
As relações entre a religião e a política não são e nunca foram no contexto brasileiro uma situação nova ou surpreendente. Mas, o que se pretende mostrar no artigo, essas relações estão se tornando cada vez mais fortes desde o apa¬re¬cimento na esfera pública das igrejas neopentecostais engajadas diretamente na política interna do país. Baseando-se na análise dos acontecimentos da campanha eleitoral do ano de 2010, a autora mostra como a religião no Brasil tornou-se uma “questão quente” nas disputas dos presidenciáveis pelo poder.
EN
The relations between religion and politics are neither new nor surprising in the Brazilian context. However, what the author shows in the article, they have been becoming stronger and more and more visible since the time when new Pentecostal churches, involved directly in the domestic politics, appeared in the public sphere of Brazil. Basing on the analysis of the presidential campaign in 2010, the author shows how religion in Brazil became a “hot issue” in the candidates’ dispute for power.
EN
The purpose of this paper is to examine, with a text by Tomás Segovia serving as the basis for the analysis, some of the main features, both general and specific to the Spanish Mexican author, of essay writing. Firstly, a brief biographical sketch of Segovia is offered, followed by some comments on the nature of the essay as a literary form or genre. This is followed by a discussion of formal and thematic features of Segovia’s essay, “La palabra inobediente”, in which the combination of philosophical-literary elements, the sense of social responsibility, and the wandering, free character of the writing stands out.
ES
El objetivo de este trabajo es examinar, con base en un texto de Tomás Segovia, algunos rasgos primordiales, tanto generales como específicos en el autor hispano-mexicano, de la escritura ensayística. Primero, se ofrece una breve semblanza biográfica de Segovia; luego, se proporcionan algunos comentarios sobre la naturaleza del ensayo como forma o género literario. A continuación, se comentan rasgos formales y temáticos del ensayo segoviano, “La palabra inobediente”, en el que destaca la combinación de elementos filosófico-literarios, el sentido de responsabilidad social, y el carácter errante, libre, de la escritura.
PT
O Brasil está inserido em uma dinâmica migratória enquanto origem, passagem e destino de mo-vimentos migratórios. Nesse contexto, o aumento dos números de entrada em comparação com a segunda metade do século XX, a diversidade de origem desses migrantes, o fechamento de fron-teiras de antigos hostlands e a facilidade de entrar no país, aliado com a notoriedade que adqui-riu no Sistema Internacional nos últimos anos, fez com que o país se deparasse com uma nova realidade. O governo Rousseff deparou-se com um cenário no qual surgem os primeiros reflexos da entrada de haitianos, além de outros grupos, como os sírios e venezuelanos, além de localida-des asiáticas e africanas, as quais também tiveram um aumento na entrada de seus nacionais no Brasil. Essa situação teve continuidade durante a gestão de Temer e evidenciou a inadequação da política migratória brasileira, impondo aos governos a tomada de medidas no sentido de pro-curar estabelecer um viés de atuação pautado nos direitos humanos e nos ditames constitucio-nais. A metodologia utilizada recorre à literatura acadêmica pré-existente junto à coleta e análise de documentos oficiais, além de reportagens de veículos midiáticos que versem sobre o tema nos âmbitos nacional e internacional.
XX
Brazil is inserted in a migratory dynamic of origin, passage and destination of migratory movements. In this context, the increase of entry numbers compared to the second half of the twentieth century, the diversity of origin of these migrants, the closing of borders of former host countries and the ease of entering the country, combined with the notoriety acquired on the in-ternational stage in recent years, has forced the country to face a new reality. The Rousseff gov-ernment faced emerging reactions to the entry of Haitians, as well as other groups that had en-tered Brazil in larger numbers, such as the Syrians and Venezuelans, as well as Asians and Afri-cans. This situation continued during Temer’s administration and it evidenced the inadequacy of Brazilian migration policy; it forced governments to take measures to try to establish a plan of action based on human rights and constitutional dictates. The methodological approach was to consult pre-existing academic literature, as well as collect and analyze official documents and media reports on the subject, both national and international.
EN
Polish media do not report a lot on Brazilian politics, but that changed during the impeachment of Dilma Rousseff. The article is an analysis of different sources of news and comments in Polish press and the Internet and tries to synthesize a comprehensive image of Brazilian politics, which was made available to the Polish reader in 2016. It concludes that this image is definitely negative and pessimistic, focuses a lot on corruption as the source of all problems, but rarely touches on the more subtle issues like inequality or racism. Moreover, it is clear that Polish journalists transfer their own political views onto their judgments about the impeached president.
ES
En los medios de comunicación polacos no había mucha información sobre la política brasileña hasta el juicio político de Dilma Rousseff. Este artículo es un análisis de diferentes fuentes de noticias y comentarios en la prensa polaca e Internet e intenta sintetizar una imagen comprensiva de la política brasileña puesta a disposición del lector polaco en 2016. En conclusión, esta imagen es definitivamente negativa y pesimista, se centra mucho en la corrupción como origen de todos los problemas, pero rara vez toca los temas más sutiles como la desigualdad o el racismo. Por otra parte, es evidente que los periodistas polacos transmiten sus opiniones políticas y expresan sus juicios sobre el presidente impugnado.
EN
The research will develop a study on the political process in Venezuela following the electoral triumph of Hugo Chávez Frías in 1998 and his second re-election in 2006. The hypothesis of this work considers that, since 1958, Venezuela went through an accelerated phase of its socio-economic and political transformation, which exceeded the ability of the leadership of political parties to establish new scenarios of representativeness and participation of the Venezuelan democratic system. This situation favored the transition to a populist-autocratic regime established in 1999, under the initial name of the Bolivarian Revolution. One of the highlights of the first phase of the Bolivarian Revolution was the rise of public spending between 2003 and 2005, aimed mostly at covering the cost of social missions, an issue that dismissed the importance of investing in infrastructure and expanding the country’s production capacity. This forced Chávez’s government to accelerate the construction of outstanding infrastructure works to reduce criticism from its political opponents. The election strategy in the last months of the 2006 electoral campaign was aimed at linking Chávez’s image with iconic public works already or partly completed. The results of this research showed that the strategy of presenting the Bolivarian Revolution as a government with material achievements allowed to stimulate in the collective imagination the idea of Chávez’s supposed efficiency as a ruler, and consequently led to the popular support for his tenure in power.
ES
La investigación desarrollará un estudio sobre el proceso político ocurrido en Venezuela luego del triunfo electoral de Hugo Chávez Frías en 1998 y su segunda reelección llevada a cabo en 2006. La hipótesis de este trabajo considera que Venezuela transitó desde 1958 una fase acelerada de su transformación socioeconómica y política, que superó la capacidad de adecuación de la dirigencia de los partidos políticos para establecer nuevos escenarios de representatividad y participación del sistema democrático venezolano. Esta situación favoreció el tránsito hacia un régimen populista-autocrático instaurado a partir de 1999, bajo la denominación inicial de la Revolución Bolivariana. Uno de los aspectos resaltantes de la primera fase de la Revolución Bolivariana fue el auge del gasto público entre 2003 y 2005, orientado en su mayor parte a cubrir el costo de las misiones sociales, cuestión que desestimó la importancia de invertir en infraestructura y ampliar la capacidad de producción del país. Ello obligó al gobierno de Chávez a acelerar la construcción de obras de infraestructura pendientes desde hacía años, para disminuir las críticas de sus opositores políticos. La estrategia electoral en los últimos meses de la campaña electoral de 2006 se orientó a vincular la imagen de Chávez con obras públicas emblemáticas ya terminadas o medianamente concluidas. Los resultados de esta investigación arrojaron que la estrategia de vender la Revolución Bolivariana como un gobierno con hechos materiales permitió estimular en el imaginario colectivo la idea de la supuesta eficiencia de Chávez como gobernante y en consecuencia la conveniencia de apoyar su permanencia en el poder.
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