The article discusses the study of the topic “Polarization” in the process of implementation of laboratory works of the students of higher military education institutions. The results of the study of modern physics teaching and the issues of rational use of teaching time has shown that it is expedient to introduce innovations in the methodology of conducting those activities in which the students acquire practical skills in professional direction from the first years of study in higher school. The use of one of the classes of experimental and practical components in the study of one topic in the process of training of students clearly indicates integration of fundamental and professional components of training of the future military specialists. The process of the combination of the practical and experimental component of the work in the framework of laboratory classes on the topic “Polarization” is described; it is studied in the second semester. To explore this phenomenon cadets are offered three laboratory works: - laboratory work № 26, under the theme “Experimental verification of law of Malus”, the goal of the study was to explore the phenomenon of polarization in the process of experimental verification of law of Malus; - laboratory work № 27, under the theme “Study of polarization of light upon reflection from a dielectric surface”, the aim of this work is to investigate experimentally the degree of polarization of light reflected at the interface of two dielectrics, and to verify the Brewster’s law; - laboratory work № 28, the theme of which is “the study of the phenomenon of rotation of plane of polarization of light”, the aim of the study was to investigate the natural phenomenon of rotation of polarized light in optically active substances. Before they perform the work, the students should repeat the following theoretical questions: - for the laboratory work № 26: 1. The phenomenon of polarization of electromagnetic waves. Natural and polarized light. 2. Methods of obtaining polarized light. The physical nature of the action of the polarization devices. Law of Malus. - laboratory work № 27:1. The concept of light polarization and its types.2. Law Of Malus. The Law Of Brewster. - laboratory work №28:1. Podine premeasurement. The natural rotation of the plane of polarization. 2. Magnetic rotation of the plane of polarization. 3. The Faraday Effect. According to the tasks and equipment of each laboratory work the study of the topic is weighty fact that laboratory works vary by complexity of implementation; therefore, students with low levels of training are offered the laboratory work № 26; and work № 27 and № 28 are proposed for the students with a high level of knowledge of the discipline, because even the equipment itself requires discipline and responsibility of the students in the deposition and withdrawal of the installation to its original state (especially working with goniometer – laboratory work № 27 and accuracy with the polarimeter cuvettes and the appropriate concentrations, laboratory work №28). Each of the works serves a separate theoretical introduction and an appropriate order of execution. The order of execution of each job was individually taught in all workplaces. After performing the experimental part of the work the teacher gives the students a checklist of questions for which they should know answers during the oral defense.
Mass media in the United States have historically evolved through three stages in which the content is aimed at the elites, then the masses, then specialized audiences. This evolution has recently been taking place within the news media, where Fox News is now being aimed at conservative viewers. The effect of the conservative content of Fox News on its viewership was examined. Findings from a survey show that Fox viewers are more polarized than other news consumers on several issues. Whether they watched Fox News or some other news program, however, the respondents consist- ently felt that the media were between good and fair in their coverage. Fox News viewers seem to be relatively satisfi ed with the news content they receive – or at least as satisfied as respondents who get their information from other sources.
This paper contains a short version of my presentation in two conferences. One of them “International endeavours to study quality of life”, took place in Wrocław on 7 March 2011, the second one, “Quality of life as a subject of statistical survey”, took place in Poznań on 18 April 2012. This paper also includes a short review of selected Polish publications.
W artykule dokonano estymacji popularnej miary polaryzacji ekonomicznej (indeks DER) dla danych o dochodach z polskich Badań Budżetów Gospodarstw Domowych w okresie 1998-2007. Używając niezależnych od rozkładu metod wnioskowania statystycznego przeprowadzono testy istotności różnic w wartościach estymowanych wskaźników. Wyniki pokazują, że w badanym okresie wartość indeksu DER wzrosła pomiędzy 4,9 a 6,5% w zależności od wartości parametru α mierzącego wagę przykładaną do polaryzacji. Zmiany indeksu DER dla α = 1, dla którego polaryzacja zachowuje się empirycznie w sposób odmienny od nierówności, są w badanym okresie statystycznie istotne. W artykule pokazano jednak, że niektóre ze zmian indeksu DER dla krótszych okresów nie są istotne statystycznie.
EN
This paper estimates a popular measure of economic polarization (DER index) using Polish income micro-data from the Household Budget Survey (HBS) study for the period from 1998 to 2007. Using asymptotically distribution-free statistical inference we test whether the changes in the values of the estimated indices are statistically significant. Results show that during the period under study DER index has increased in the range from 4.9 to 6.5%, depending on the polarization-sensitivity parameter α. For the period 1998-2007, the changes in the DER index with α = 1, for which polarization is empirically distinguishable from inequality, are statistically significant at conventional levels. It is found, however, that for some sub-periods changes in the DER index are not statistically significant.
The aim of the present article is to analyze how different patterns of argumentation are used to emphasize polarization, aggressiveness and other forms of populist communication. Special attention will be paid to persuasive strategies and enemy imaging. The source material includes current documents generated by the German political party Alternative für Deutschland.
Incongruent film music is a soundtrack, either diegetic or nondiegetic, which expresses qualities that stand in contrast to the emotions evoked by the events seen. The present article aims at covering two interconnected areas; the first is comprised of a critical recapitulation of available theoretical accounts of incongruent film music, whilst the second part of the paper offers an alternative, embodied-cognitive explanation of the audio-visual conflict which arises from this particular type of incongruence. Rather than regarding it as a phenomenon that works through disrupting conventions, we stress a perceptual-cognitive reason behind incongruence’s emotional strangeness.
This study examines the framing of the social movement in Iran launched on 29 December 2017, by analyzing the news texts of six national Turkish newspapers. It discusses the movement in the context of news framing, focusing on problem definition, causal interpretation, moral evaluation, and treatment recommendation. The findings suggest that each newspaper has reported the social movement in Iran quite differently. The most obvious difference is that the left-wing, anti-government press mainly explained the events in terms of political, economic, and social factors while the right-wing, pro-government press attributed the events to ‘foreign forces’ and reflected the dominant discourse of political power while framing the news. Thus, the way Turkish newspapers frame a social movement outside the country reveals the intense polarization in the Turkish press.
RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: Analysis of how the 2020 US presidential election was covered and framed by Polish television news programs, and whether the polarization of media and politics in Poland was reflected in the studied content, influencing its bias. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: The analysis of the coverage of the US presidential campaign by three nationwide TV news programs – TVN, TVP and Polsat by using content analysis with elements of framing analysis and comparative analysis. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: The article consists of four parts: the first explains the methodology of the study, the second discusses how presidential elections are covered and framed and what influences the national media being interested in covering foreign events. The third part presents the results of the study, and the last contains the discussion and conclusions. RESEARCH RESULTS: The coverage was dichotomous and there was a correlation between the political affiliation of the media and their choice of framing. The media used a combination of game, strategy and conflict framing that highlighted differences between Trump and Biden in terms of the election results and their personal attributes. We found that the electoral rivalry was portrayed as a conflict between the candidates and that the Polish media constructed “enemy” images of candidates and voters depending on their political sympathies. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS: The polarization of media and politics in Poland was reflected in the coverage of the US election. The broadcasters placed Polish political conflicts in the context of the US campaign. It shows that foreign events may be covered by national media through the prism of political bias.
A multiplicity of infospheres in a country, especially in those with a significant proportion of language minorities, creates polarization and distrust towards state institutions. This article addresses the problem by exploring the attitudes of Estonia’s Russian-speaking minority towards news media content regarding fake news and information disorder. The semi-structured interviews were conducted with Russian-speakers living in Estonia (N=29), using stimulus materials to induce reactions related to elements of trust in the materials. The results showed that the interviewees have-diverse media preferences, a critical eye for the news, more trust in Estonia’s Russian-language media, and are quite capable of recognizing fake news and information disorder. The study challenges the view that Estonia’s Russian-speaking minority lives in the isolated infosphere of Russia. The article argues that more attention should be drawn to information quality in the news aimed at this language minority audience.
W przekształceniach polskich miast w ostatnim ćwierćwieczu istotną rolę odgrywa renta gruntowa, a jednym z najważniejszych aktorów wytwarzania przestrzeni stali się deweloperzy. W rezultacie następuje prywatyzacja przestrzeni i polaryzacja przestrzenno-społeczna.
EN
In the transformation of Polish cities in the last quarter of a century, ground rent has played an important role, and developers have emerged as one of the most important actors in the production of space. As a result, we are witnessing space privatization and spatial-social polarization in cities.
The paper seeks to identify the role of cultural and social diversity in economic development. It starts by defining the terms that are critical to the analysis, including diversity, fractionalization, polarization, social diversity, cultural diversity and economic resources, as well as providing the most significant indexes thereof. The main body of the paper interprets the notions of cultural and social diversity in terms of being a valuable economic resource. Furthermore, it collects a vast body of literature to demonstrate the relationship between the cultural/social diversity and economic development with regard to adverse or positive impact on the latter. In regard to the negative impact of diversity, the paper identifies it in the area of social communication, social capital and networks, as it effectively causes a decrease in productivity and increase in social conflict and isolation. The positive link is demonstrated with examples in the areas of innovation, creativity, usage of complementary abilities and experiences, and their role in increasing productivity. The paper refers to numerous data sources, studies and indexes illustrating how the economic systems of various countries perform in the context of the paper’s subject-matter.
In this study the materials dealing with the Soviet realities published in Warsaw by the Russian emigrants’ weekly “Mech” during a year period (the first 45 issues) are analyzed. The analysis constitutes a segment of historical and political context prevailing at that time in Poland, especially of its complex relations with the Soviet Union. In retrospect one can observe a distinct turn in the weekly’s activity explained partly by a change of its form - from a magazine to newspaper (issue 21) which demanded replacement of is analytic way by more informative attitude and partly by separation from emigrant centre in Paris. The air of publications reflected difficult situation of the emigrants, though all information this way or another dealing with the Soviets was filled with biting comments and sheer anti-Soviet rhetoric. Also a clear quantitative tendency is shown in the number of the Soviets related publications, from 1-3 in the initial period up to 11-13 by the end of the period under the study. The scope of issues was also widening embracing economy, political life, repression, education, Soviet manhood, etc. The publication type change is also traced evolving to a more eye-witness, document support, interview, Soviet source mentioning, citation from contemporary Soviet literature depicting real life columnistic kind. The material analyzed gives much food for thought about the character of the Russian identity and its tragic split.
This article proposes the application of regression trees for analysing income polarization. Using an approach to polarization based on the analysis of variance, we show that regression trees can uncover groups of homogeneous income receivers in a data-driven way. The regression tree can deal with nonlinear relationships between income and the characteristics of income receivers, and it can detect which characteristics and their interactions actually play a role in explaining income polarization. For these features, the regression tree is a flexible statistical tool to explore whether income receivers concentrate around local poles. An application to Italian individual income data shows an interesting partition of income receivers.
In this paper we examine the mobility of Polish households with regard to saving rates during the years 2007-2010 and compare it with the households’ saving mobility during the years 1997-2000. The analysis for 2007-2010 is based on the household budget panel data from three panels of 15,000 Polish households selected by authors for the years 2007-2008, 2008-2009 and 2009-2010 from the Household Budget Surveys. We use the Markov mobility matrix and estimate the long-term ergodic distribution of households according to the saving rates. Our results show that the long-term households’ distribution reveals a tendency towards polarization of households with regard to saving rates. Comparing the results for 2007-2010 with the authors’ previous research on the households’ saving mobility for a decade earlier during 1997-2000, we prove that between the years 1997-2000 and 2007-2010 the long-term change in the distribution of households was asymmetrical toward the highest saving rate groups. This helps to explain why Polish households could maintain positive and rising savings during the highly uncertain period of the financial crisis in 2007-2010.
This study presents the main facts related to the development of income inequalities in OECD countries in recent years. In particular, the focus was on analysing the economic position of the middle class (middle income class), which is often neglected in analyses, in favour of the two extreme income groups, i.e. the poverty sphere and the group of the richest. It is worth filling this gap because the middle class is the backbone of modern society and decisively determines the possibilities of economic development. The analysis of the coefficients allowing the estimation of the size and affluence of the middle class indicates that this class is highly diversified among OECD countries. In countries such as: Slovakia, Slovenia, Norway, the Czech Republic, the Netherlands, Denmark, Hungary, Finland, Belgium, Sweden and Austria, there is a relatively large and affluent middle class. In contrast, in Anglo-Saxon countries, the middle class is relatively small and moderately affluent. The article empirically confirms the hypothesis that higher income inequalities are accompanied by middle-class erosion. Using the basic income ratio, in the form of the Gini coefficient for disposable income, a very strong negative correlation was identified both between this coefficient and the coefficient determining the size of the middle class (-0.91) and between the Gini coefficient and the coefficient determining the affluence of the middle class (-0, 84). Attention is paid to possible causes of the occurrence of the phenomenon of economic polarization. Proposals for solutions in the field of socio-economic policy aimed at limiting the scale of observed phenomena were also presented.
PL
W opracowaniu przedstawiono główne fakty związane z kształtowaniem się w ostatnich latach nierówności dochodowych w krajach OECD. W szczególności skoncentrowano się na analizie położenia ekonomicznej klasy średniej (klasy średniego dochodu), która często jest pomijana w analizach, na rzecz dwóch skrajnych grup dochodowych, tzn. sfery ubóstwa oraz grupy osób najbogatszych. Warto uzupełniać tą lukę gdyż klasa średnia stanowi trzon nowoczesnego społeczeństwa i w decydującym stopniu rozstrzyga o możliwościach rozwoju gospodarki. Analiza współczynników pozwalających na oszacowanie rozmiarów oraz zamożności klasy średniej wskazuje, iż wśród krajów OECD klasa ta jest mocno zróżnicowana. W krajach takich jak: Słowacja, Słowenia, Norwegia, Czechy, Holandia, Dania, Węgry, Finlandia, Belgia, Szwecja i Austria występuje relatywnie duża i zamożna klasa średnia. Natomiast w krajach anglosaskich klasa średnia jest relatywnie mała i umiarkowanie zamożna. W artykule empirycznie potwierdzono hipotezę, iż większym nierównościom dochodowym towarzyszy erozja klasy średniej. Wykorzystując podstawowy wskaźnik zróżnicowania dochodów, w postaci współczynnika Giniego dla dochodów rozporządzalnych, zidentyfikowano bardzo silną korelację ujemną zarówno pomiędzy tym współczynnikiem i współczynnikiem określającym wielkość klasy średniej (-0,91), jak i pomiędzy współczynnikiem Giniego i współczynnikiem określającym zamożność klasy średniej (-0,84). Zwrócono uwagę na możliwe przyczyny występowania zjawiska polaryzacji ekonomicznej. Przedstawiono również propozycje rozwiązań w zakresie polityki społeczno-gospodarczej mającej na celu ograniczenie skali obserwowanych zjawisk.
Niniejszy tekst przybliża problematykę polaryzacji pracy, która została omówiona na gruncie teorii Petera Druckera, Richarda Floridy, Manuela Castellsa i Guya Standinga. Polaryzacja pracy jest tu analizowana jako dynamika zmian, osadzona w realiach właściwych dla współczesnej gospodarki rynkowej, określonej jako kapitalizm postindustrialny. Proces polaryzacji kształtują takie siły i zjawiska jak: wzrost znaczenia wiedzy w gospodarce, automatyzacja i komputeryzacja pracy, deindustrializacja, ekspansja nisko kwalifi kowanych miejsc pracy w sektorze usługowym, uelastycznienie zasobów siły roboczej, offshoring produkcji oraz globalizacja migracji zarobkowej. Zjawiska te prowadzą do silnego zróżnicowania statusu pracowników z dolnych i górnych poziomów struktury zawodowej, przy względnym ograniczeniu szczebli średnich. Z jednej strony wyłania się rdzeń siły roboczej grupujący wysoko wykwalifi kowanych specjalistów, menedżerów i techników. Z drugiej strony tworzy się pokaźna populacja pracowników, którzy boleśnie doświadczają procesów ekonomicznej degradacji. W podsumowaniu zostaje wykazana przydatność kategoriipolaryzacji pracy dla badań społecznych i analiz teoretycznych dotyczących istotnych zagadnień i zjawisk naszych czasów.
EN
The present article provides a review of the concept of job polarisation, as presented on the basis of the theories of Peter Drucker, Richard Florida, Manuel Castells and Guy Standing. Job polarisation has been analysed herein as change dynamics rooted within the contemporary market economy, and described as post-industrial capitalism. The polarisation process depends on such forces and phenomena as: the increasing significance of knowledge in the economy, the automation and computerisation of work, de-industrialisation, the expansion of low-skilled jobs in the service sector, the growing flexibility of labour resources, production off shoring and globalised labour migration. Due to these phenomena, the status of employees from the top and bottom tiers becomes strongly diversifi ed, with the simultaneous reduction of middle tiers. On the one hand, the core of the workforce is formed, including highly qualified experts, managers and technicians. On the other hand, there is a sizeable population of employees who suffer the processes of economic degradation. In conclusion, it is proven that the category of job polarization is useful for social research and theoretical analyses concerning the crucial issues and phenomena of our time.
Artykuł przedstawia przegląd zmian zachodzących w Moskwie w okresie postradzieckiej transformacji i związanych z nimi problemów. W skrótowy sposób omawia historyczne i współczesne prace z zakresu geografii społecznej dotyczące stolicy Rosji. Na tym tle autorzy próbują ustosunkować się do współczesnych hipotez związanych z zachodzącymi procesami metropolizacji, w tym społecznej i przestrzennej polaryzacji występującej w miastach globalnych.
EN
The article presents an overview of changes and relevant problems that have occurred in Moscow in the period of post-Soviet transformation. Authors briefly discuss historical and contemporary studies on capital city of Russia in the field of social geography. On this background authors comment on contemporary hypothesis related to metropolisation processes including social and spatial polarization observed in global cities.
Krytyka jakości debaty publicznej w Polsce i jej spolaryzowanej konstrukcji jest szeroko obecna nie tylko w dyskursie naukowym, ale także w dyskursie tych, którzy ją współtworzą. Celem prezentowanych badań jest, po pierwsze, analiza samowiedzy medialnych elit symbolicznych na temat strukturalnych i komunikacyjnych problemów debaty publicznej, zwłaszcza związanych z polaryzacją medialną, oraz na temat własnej pozycji i uwarunkowań udziału w dyskursie publicznym. Po drugie, celem jest problematyzacja świadomości dyskursowej badanych, czyli ich kompetencji rozróżniania rzeczywistości i jej dyskursowego naddatku oraz gotowości krytycznej analizy swojego wkładu w debatę publiczną. Analizowany materiał empiryczny pochodzi z 21 wywiadów pogłębionych przeprowadzonych od czerwca do października 2021 roku z dziennikarzami, publicystami i publicznymi intelektualistami, którzy są związani z ogólnopolskimi mediami opiniotwórczymi. Choć badani formułują pogłębioną, często radykalną krytykę elit symbolicznych, to dość rzadko są gotowi do krytycznej autoanalizy oraz zakwestionowania substancjalnego charakteru polaryzacji medialnej i dostrzeżenia w jej diagnozie reprodukcji dyskursu o podziałach społecznych.
EN
The critique of the Polish public debate and its polarized constitution is widely discussed in academic and media discourse. The aim of the present study is, first, to analyze the media symbolic elites’ self-knowledge about structural and communicational problems of the public debate, particularly those which refer to media polarization. Second, the aim is to problematize a discursive awareness of media authors, i.e. their competence to distinguish between reality and its discursive surplus as well as the readiness to analyze their input into the public debate. The data stem from 21 in-depth interviews with journalists, publicists, and public intellectuals linked with Polish opinion-forming media carried out from June to October 2021. Although the respondents formulate an in-depth critique of the symbolic 100 Magdalena Nowicka-Franczak elites, they are rather seldomly ready for critical self-analysis, for questioning a substantive character of media polarization, or for problematizing a reproduction of social divisions inherent in the very diagnosis of media polarization.
Media będące głównym źródłem informacji o polityce kształtują opinie, postawy i zachowania odbiorców. Wpływ na ten proces ma nasilająca się w ostatnich latach polaryzacja i upartyjnienie polskich mediów, które zamiast obiektywnej informacji oferują przekaz jednostronny, zgodny z preferencjami politycznymi odbiorców, wzmacniający poczucie tożsamości i intensyfikujący wzajemną niechęć pomiędzy zwolennikami poszczególnych opcji. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest sprawdzenie, czy i w jakim stopniu konsumpcja mediów (tradycyjnych i nowych) wpłynęła na wykształcenie negatywnej identyfikacji partyjnej w 2015 i 2019 roku. Wyniki analiz przeprowadzonych z wykorzystaniem danych PGSW pokazują, że regularne korzystanie z mediów, w szczególności z telewizji i mediów społecznościowych, zwiększa szanse na wykształcenie negatywnej identyfikacji partyjnej. Wpływ mediów jest do pewnego stopnia zależny od politycznego wyrobienia, nie zależy natomiast od zgodności przekazu medialnego ze światopoglądem badanych.
EN
Being the main source of information about politics, the media shape opinions, attitudes and behaviors of recipients. This process is influenced by the increasing polarization and politicization of Polish media. Instead of objective information, the latter offer a onesided message, consistent with the political preferences of the recipients, strengthening the sense of identity and intensifying mutual aversion between the supporters of rival political parties. The aim of this article is to verify whether and how the consumption of traditional and new media influenced the formation of negative party identification in 2015 and 2019. The analyzes of Polish National Election Study (PGSW) data confirm that regular use of the media, in particular the television and social media, increases the chances of developing a negative party identification. While the influence of these media depends on the political sophistication, it is independent of the compliance between the media message and the worldview of the respondents.
Determinants of voter turnout are one of the most important areas of interest of public choice theory. This article aims to examine the impact of the electoral system and the polarization of the political scene on voter turnout. The survey covers elections to the national parliaments in 51 countries between 1961 – 2014. Data from the EMP project enabled the quantification of the polarization of the political scene. Regression models for all countries and for the Western Europe have shown that electoral system affects the level of the voter turnout. In both cases, the plurality/majority systems are characterized by a lower turnout than proportional systems. Powerful test with fixed effects for countries showed no impact of the polarization of the political scene on the level of the turnout. This may result from the presence of contradictory mechanisms binding polarity and the voter turnout.
PL
Badanie determinant frekwencji wyborczej stanowi ważny obszar zainteresowań teorii wyboru publicznego. Celem artykułu jest ocena wpływu ordynacji wyborczej i polaryzacji sceny politycznej na frekwencję wyborczą. Przedstawione badanie empiryczne obejmuje wybory do parlamentów krajowych w 51 państwach w latach 1961 – 2014. W oparciu o dane pochodzące z projektu EMP zmierzona została polaryzacja sceny politycznej. Modele regresji dla wszystkich państw oraz dla Europy Zachodniej wykazały, że system wyborczy ma wpływ na poziom frekwencji wyborczej. W obu przypadkach systemy większościowe charakteryzują się niższą frekwencją niż systemy proporcjonalne. Mocny test zawierający efekty stałe dla krajów nie wykazał wpływu polaryzacji sceny politycznej na wielkość frekwencji. Brak związku przyczynowego pomiędzy polaryzacją a frekwencją może wynikać z istnienia wielu mechanizmów współzależności tych zmiennych, które zostały opisane w teoretycznej części artykułu.
JavaScript is turned off in your web browser. Turn it on to take full advantage of this site, then refresh the page.