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EN
The paper discusses the integration process of the Colombian‑Venezuelan frontier in 2005, which included the regions of Táchira and Norte de Santander, as an experience initially made in the legal framework of the Andean Community of Nations (Spanish: Comunidad Andina de Naciones, CAN). Decision 501 facilitates the creation of a border integration zone – BIZ – that would contribute to and strengthen the border development, in an area that has juridical, administrative and functional conducive conditions. For this reason, a Border Integration Zone – BIZ – would help counteract backwardness and make possible a number of joint regional projects that would give support to integration. The study shows a retrospective analysis of binational discussion topics as far as it was possible within the dialogue, and before the obstacles that stopped the way which concluded with the cancellation of the negotiation rounds in 2008. At the same time, it considers the Venezuelan role afterward Colombia had signed the free trade agreement with the US, and the perception of this fact by the border inhabitants of Táchira state. In a reality that the development perspectives, based in markets integration, are not clear inside the Venezuelan geopolitics to become part of the process.
EN
Sustainable development policies have become new objectives of local actions since the implementation of the notion in the 1990s. Small towns promote images of places where the living is easy and with sustainable amenities like “natural” living environment. But, beyond these perceptions, operational sustainable development policies are quite occasional. Taking a sample of French small towns in the Auvergne region as examples, it is interesting to analyse this paradox of an interesting potential leading to rare effective actions. It seems that it is quite difficult for local stakeholders to implement really transversal and not sectoral policies and the lack of capacity and budget is an important issue for them as it takes time and money to develop really participative and holistic programs.
PL
Tematem jest myśl polityczna i prawna obozu rządzącego w Polsce w latach 1935 –1939. Okres po śmierci Józefa Piłsudskiego i uchwaleniu Konstytucji kwietniowej charakteryzuje się rozbiciem jednolitego do tej pory obozu rządzącego. Na podstawie przeprowadzonych badań w pracy została postawiona teza, że rozbity po śmierci Piłsudskiego obóz rządzący nie posiadał do momentu wybuchu II wojny światowej jednolitej i spójnej koncepcji państwa i prawa, co z pewnością wywarło wpływ na przygotowanie państwa polskiego do II wojny światowej. Kolejnym wnioskiem wynikającym z pracy jest teza, że państwo polskie po 1935 nie posiadało wszystkich cech ustroju państw autorytarnych, lecz tylko pewne ich cechy, np. silna władza wykonawcza, ograniczenie władzy ustawodawczej, liczne cenzusy w ordynacji wyborczej. Ostatnim wnioskiem jest uwaga, że „testament” pozostawiony przez marszałka Piłsudskiego nie został w pełni wykonany przez jego następców, gdyż obóz rządzący nie był jeszcze gotowy na spełnienie jego ostatniej woli, a wszystkie działania zostały brutalnie zatrzymane przez wybuch II wojny świtowej. Temat ten zasługuje również na szczególną uwagę, gdyż wiele rozwiązań prawnych uchwalonych w tym okresie obowiązywało po II wojnie światowej, np. prawo cywilne, kodeks karny, rozwiązania administracyjne
EN
The subject of this paper is the political and legal thought of the ruling camp in Poland between 1935 and 1939. The period after Józef Pilsudski’s death and the adoption of the April Constitution was characterized by the break-up of the uniform so far ruling camp. Based on the relevant research, it was postulated that the ruling camp, which fell apart after Pilsudski’s death, did not have a uniform and coherent vision of the state and law until the outbreak of World War II, a fact which beyond doubt influenced preparations of Poland for World War II. Another postulate of this paper is that the Polish state after 1935 did not have all the features of the systems implemented in authoritarian countries, but just some of them, which included strong executive power, limitation of legislative power or numerous censuses in the electoral law. The final conclusion is a remark that the ‘will’ left behind by Marshal Pilsudski was not fully executed by his successors, as the ruling camp was not yet ready to fulfill his last will and all their actions were brutally interrupted by the outbreak of World War II. This subject also deserves special attention because many legal solutions adopted in this period were still in force after World War II, for example civil law, the criminal code and administrative solutions
FR
Les trois dernières décennies ont été marquées par la lutte contre le blanchiment d’argent, l’évasion fiscale et, même si elle n’est pas strictement illégale, l’évasion fiscal après le boom des services juridiques et comptables dans les années 1980, qui est aussi nuisible. Les méthodes utilisées par les organisations nationales, internationales et supranationales vont de la puissance douce doctrinale à l’intimidation pure et simple, qui a été soutenue par leurs apologistes pour le bien commun. Pourtant, les politiques mises en oeuvre jusqu’à présent n’ont pas, d’une manière ou d’une autre, résolu le manque d’application théorique et pratique de l’»inclusion» et de l’»égalité» dans leur cadre. Ces mêmes trois décennies ont été caractérisées par l’écart de richesse croissant et la concentration du capital entre les mains de la minorité, dont la prérogative, comme le souligne Gabriel Zucman dans son ouvrage classique «The Hidden Wealth of Nations» (Zucman, 2015), est de préserver cette richesse entre leurs mains par tous les moyens nécessaires. L’article se penche sur les méthodes de mise en oeuvre de la réglementation anti-blanchiment, leurs effets à long terme dans les économies en développement et les effets restrictifs en ce qui concerne l’inclusion financière, la population marginalisée dans les économies en développement et l’application des principes et lois de l’Union européenne (UE) sur la concurrence.
EN
The last three decades have been marked by a battle with money laundering, tax evasion, and even though not strictly illegal, but no less harmful, tax avoidance after the boom in those legal and accountancy services back in the 1980s. The methods that national, international, and supranational organization have used range from doctrinal soft power to outright bullying, which were supported by their apologists for the sake of the common good. Yet the policies implemented so far have somehow not addressed the lack of theoretical and practical application of ‘inclusion’ and ‘equality’ into their framework. The same three decades have been characterized by the ever-growing wealth gap and the concentration of capital in the hands of the minority, whose prerogative, as pointed out by Gabriel Zucman in his classical work ‘The Hidden Wealth of Nations’ (2015), remains to preserve that wealth in their hands through whichever means necessary. The article researches into the implementation methods of anti-money laundering (AML) regulations, their long-term effects in developing economies, and the restrictive effects in relation to financial inclusion, the marginalized population in developing economies, and the application of the European Union’s principles and laws on competition.
Society Register
|
2022
|
vol. 6
|
issue 1
69-84
EN
There is a great amount of international attention directed towards the recruitment and involvement of children in armed conflict. In response to this, Philippine legislators have passed laws to assist and protect these children. However, most of these are not reflective of the reality of children and may even further disadvantage them. This paper explores international and national policies directed towards children in armed conflict through the perspective of children’s rights. It aims to paint a more realistic and rights-oriented approach towards the understanding of children in armed conflict. The importance of this not only rests on the growing amount of international attention directed towards this issue, but more importantly, because doing so promotes efforts in fulfilling the fundamental rights of children.         
EN
Various newspaper articles report that British ministers, university representatives, exam chiefs and business bodies agree that foreign languages skills in primary, secondary and tertiary UK education are in crisis. Lower funding and policy changes have caused language skills deficiencies felt gravely in the business sectors. Funding and support initiatives pledged by policy makers appear to be election-driven, barely outliving newly elected governments. Others blame secondary school language curriculum for failing to inspire students to take up a language when they reach 13 or 14. Others still argue that severe A-level examinations marking deters students from taking up a foreign language at 6th form level, producing fewer prospective language learners for university departments. Community languages are also undervalued as small-entry languages could soon be axed from GCSE and A-level examinations. In a world increasingly interconnected, it is essential the importance of language learning be reinstated in all our educational institutions. This paper reviews two decades of the conditions of language provision in the UK in general, with an emphasis on Leeds Beckett University. It also attempts to answer two questions emerging form the author’s personal teaching experience and reflections: What are the realities and challenges language teaching faces at Leeds Beckett University? And, how may we support language learners in fulfilling their ambition to acquire the required skills to communicate effectively in this globalised world?
EN
The paper investigates the approaches employed for attracting international full-degree students in three countries on the periphery of Europe/the European Economic Area: Norway, Poland and Portugal. These countries, considered semi-peripheral regarding international student recruitment, have shorter traditions for incoming mobility than countries that are major recruiters and which have been the focus of previous research on attracting international students. The paper analyses national policies and strategies, focusing on their emergence, rationales and instruments. The study is comparative, aiming to find commonalities and differences in the approaches of these countries further to the changing global environment in higher education. The major finding is that semi-peripheral countries appear to employ different strategies and resort to other comparative advantages than the largest student recruiters, exploiting political, cultural or geographical aspects rather than educational assets. The findings highlight the need for these countries to identify their distinctive attraction capacities and assets, as well as to be purposeful in choosing their target recruitment regions.
PL
W artykule zbadano podejścia zastosowane w celu przyciągnięcia międzynarodowych studentów w trzech krajach leżących na obrzeżach Europy (Europejskiego Obszaru Gospodarczego): Norwegii, Polski i Portugalii. Kraje te, uważane za półperyferyjne pod względem rekrutacji studentów z zagranicy, mają mniejsze tradycje w zakresie mobilności przyjazdowej niż kraje, które są głównymi rekrutującymi i które były przedmiotem wcześniejszych badań dotyczących przyciągania studentów z zagranicy. W artykule przeanalizowano krajowe polityki i strategie, koncentrując się na ich powstawaniu, racjonalnych rozwiązaniach i instrumentach. Badanie ma charakter porównawczy i ma na celu znalezienie podobieństw i różnic w podejściu tych krajów do zmieniającego się globalnego środowiska szkolnictwa wyższego. Głównym wynikiem analiz jest ustalenie, że kraje półperyferyjne wydają się stosować inne strategie i uciekać się do innych przewag komparatywnych niż najwięksi rekrutujący. Wyniki podkreślają potrzebę określenia przez te kraje ich szczególnych zdolności przyciągania i atutów, a także celowego wyboru regionów, w których będą rekrutować studentów.
EN
The recent flow of immigrants to Italy and France, two countries that are the principal destinations after crossing the Mediterranean Sea, has turned out to be a complex and multidimensional problem to manage. Both France and Italy organised a complex method for welcoming and distributing the migrants around their territory as much as possible, hosting them in structures adapted or created for this purpose.On the Italian side, two main issues might be identified and analysed: on the one hand the humanitarian emergency of the reception of the migrants, on the other hand, the difficult processes of social integration/inclusion which were put in place. On the French side, these issues are linked to the managing of the risk of radicalisation, in a context in which the memory of the recent terrorist attacks remains vivid.In dealing with the management of the process of social integration/inclusion, sport has proven to be an important (although controversial) opportunity for social inclusion of young immigrants. Micro participatory action-research has highlighted the potential given by a shared cultural framework, such as that provided by the practice of sport. On the Italian side, these practices have not yet been institutionalised, while on the French side there is a more organic strategy, based on a longer standing tradition of using sport as a means of social inclusion.Starting from this premise about the situation of the two countries, we will propose a descriptive and theoretical comparison based on some case studies that we consider significant in terms of the French and Italian approach to social inclusion through sports.
EN
This paper examines the sustainability concept and its use in planning policies and regulations to guide future urban development and urban design. It provides a brief historical overview starting with the Rio Declaration and the imperative concerning the need for adapting the urban environment for efficient use of renewable resources. The paper includes an outline of planning and its transition from industrialism to the rational planning process. It refers to the well-known BedZED zero emission projects as an example of a comprehensive sustainable housing estate. Finally, the discussion paper “12 Green Guidelines” is used as a basis to compare the sustainable urban design regulations in the Victorian Planning Provisions (VPPs) for Melbourne, Australia. A cursory evaluation of the VPPs has found them to be vague with little detail and directives on how they can achieve sustainable design outcomes. Consistency in decisions is also rained because of the problem concerning discretion and interpretation. The paper concludes with a proposed research agenda for measuring the effectiveness of sustainable design principles in terms of outcomes that can deliver an environmentally efficient urban form.
EN
Although Vietnam has participated in numerous outer space operations with many nations worldwide, its legal system in this sector is still in its infancy and consequently has several restrictions. More specifically, this article investigates the establishment and evolution of policies, laws, and international cooperation regarding the utilization of outer space in Vietnam from 1979 to the present, with the turning point in 2006. The authors then give some predictions concerning the future pathway of Vietnamese space law in the new age from 2020.
PL
Chociaż Wietnam uczestniczył w licznych operacjach kosmicznych, współpracując z wieloma narodami z całego świata, prawna regulacja sektora kosmicznego jest wciąż w powijakach. W artykule przedstawiono rozwój polityki i prawa kosmicznego, a także współpracy międzynarodowej w zakresie wykorzystania przestrzeni kosmicznej w Wietnamie od 1979 roku do chwili obecnej, z punktem zwrotnym w 2006 roku. Autorzy wskazali także kilka prognoz dotyczących przyszłej ścieżki wietnamskiego prawa kosmicznego w nowej erze, liczonej od 2020 roku.
EN
Creative industries tend to concentrate around large and medium cities forming creative local production systems. The article will present literature review focused on the role of creative cities in such aspects as: knowledge centers, entrepreneurship, financing, capital markets, infrastructure, cluster policy, government, presence of international companies, networks, and quality of life. The mini case study of Cracow city will provide better understanding of the factors that determine the development of creative clusters.
PL
Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie wybranych determinantów rozwoju kreatywnych miast, takich jak: centra wiedzy, przedsiębiorczość, finansowanie, infrastruktura, polityki klastrowe, umiędzynarodowienie, sieci powiązań oraz jakość życia. Mini studium przypadku miasta Krakowa ma przybliżyć problematykę kreatywnych miast
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