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EN
This article presents a creative and destabilising function of art created in urban public space. This public space is here seen according to the view of belgian philosopher Chantal Mouffe as agon - battleground and confrontation of hegemonic projects. Public art is one approach to take the floor in a public debate this is why it has a political character. Krzysztof Wodiczko is a creator of this type of art who postulates creation through democratic public space art and promotes public domain. This article particularly shows his concept contained in “The Abolition of War” publication.
EN
The main object of analyses found in the paper are ideological concepts of Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (Law and Justice) with particular emphasis on the description and explanation of “the political” in accordance with political beliefs of the party. PiS is a political party which based their ideology-creation function on two political criteria: projection of means in order to reshape the reality according to their own political thought and differentiating between national and international opponents and allies. The two criteria mentioned have their roots in four assumptions. First, political goals may be realized only as long-term commitments. Second, each political entity strives for securing their access to new resources strengthening their potential. Third, political thinking has been strongly determined by geopolitics. Fourth, the division into allies and opponents cannot be reduced to rivalry of other kinds, e.g. economic or social.
EN
It is already the third time when the International Scientific Conference has taken place in Torun, attended by more than 100 scholars from all scientific centres as well as several participants from abroad. The initiator and scientific manager of all so far conferences has been dr Joanna Marszałek-Kawa, assistant director of the Faculty of Political Sciences of Nicolaus Copernicus University. The conference was arranged by the Asia – Pacific Society and the Faculty of Political Sciences, Faculty of International Studies of Nicolaus Copernicus University and Polish-Chinese Friendship Society.
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EN
It is not without reason that we reflect more and more on the causes of the current state of political thinking in Polish society. Indeed, in modern times, difficult and uncertain, and turbulent times of great transformation, human thought is clearly not keeping pace. Given the rapidly changing external circumstances we have become increasingly confused and inept. We do not really know how to deal with the emerging threats and challenges of modern times, described by the eminent sociologist and philosopher Zygmunt Bauman as the era of “liquid modernity”. It is noticeable that our perception and image of social reality and our role in it, including its political dimension, is quite imperfect and restricted, and that our ideological life is in deep crisis or has perhaps even disappeared.
EN
This essay argues for a concept of political identity that is fundamentally relational in nature contra more liberal accounts of identity that are atomistic. I consider John Rawls’ account of political identity in his Political Liberalism and provide a response stemming from Hannah Arendt’s account of political identity grounded in the existential condition of politics: human plurality. Using her concept of human plurality, I argue that political identity ought to be conceived as relationally individuated as opposed to atomistically so, meaning that our identities only emerge in and through appearing before other political actors and not prior to it. The larger upshot is that conceiving of political identity as relational provides a more fruitful concept of the citizen and might allow progress to be made regarding some of the more entrenched political problems in American political culture, especially polarization and partisanship.
EN
The article is devoted to the analysis of the pragmatics and semiotics in the productive comic genre of digital communication – the political meme. The empirical material consists of actual internet heterogeneous texts, created after the publication of Alexei Navalny’s film “Palace for Putin”. The comic content is viewed as a way of defusing the public tension of the sanctioned protest, an instrument for interpreting and discussing current social reality, as well as a method of demonizing a political subject “them”. The research assumes multimodality of the media environment and its products. It considers verbal, iconic and metagraphic ways of realizing the pragmatic intentions of the participants in the communication process. The author examines the initial situation (proto situation) that caused a communicative reaction of the internet users in the form of memes, analyzes the essence of a political meme as a heterogeneous text. The article describes the structural organization of memes, the syntactic and semantic relations of the verbal and iconic parts, as well as the use of intertextuality to concisely and expressively transmit new meanings.
EN
The author of the paper focuses on the ethical aspects of the political, cultural as well as social functions of media.
EN
This article aims to present key factors that can substantially influence the development of the post-truth phenomenon in politics. The work illustrates a number of reasons for the falling importance of truth and facts in politics in contemporary times. Moreover, this text shines a spotlight on the significant role of social media websites in terms of political events in the post-truth era. The analysis outlines various factors that have considerably contributed to the growth of the post-truth phenomenon in politics in the 21st century. The article addresses issues strongly related to the media theory and political communication. It should be noted that post-truth continues to be a burning and dangerous problem, which can shape the media landscape and affect the political realities around the world.
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EN
In the translated lecture the author tries and answers the question on what ground are we entitled to ascribe "centrality" to Central Europe. He points out that, in contemporary usage, the term "Europe" stands for three different, not overlapping phenomena: geographical, political, and cultural.
EN
Since 1990, the president of the Republic of Poland has been elected by direct popular vote. In this period, the position of the office of president has undergone significant change. Each consecutive legal act of a constitutional nature (the Small Constitution of 1992 and the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 1997) imposed limitations on the range of competences (powers) of the president. Is it thus necessary to revise the current rules of how the head of state is elected? To help answer this question, an attempt was made to view the issue raised in the title of the paper from three perspectives: 1) systemic rationality, 2) political parties as the main political actors and 3) a citizen-based approach as reflected in the preferences and behaviours of the sovereign.
EN
One of the contemporary political powers characterised by an ambivalent attitude toward state authority are extreme organisations. Agata Kałabunowska undertakes this issue in the chapter The vision of authority in political programmes of contemporary German extreme right organisations, which aims at depicting the attitude of selected radical organisations toward a broadly defined authority. Based on qualitative content analysis of political programmes, declarations and performances of five German right-wing organisations the author tackles the question about their attitude towards the actual state authority, as well as about their desired model of executing power. Several elements of the far right’ criticism towards authorities have been analysed, such as subservience to the foreign power of international organisations, faulty immigration policies, pressure within political parties or excessive bureaucratisation. The author points out that the multitude of far right’ arguments against current authorities is not equaled by quality or quantity of suggested political alternatives. The potential efficiency of suggested solutions is uncertain, which is accompanied by lack of exact vision on how to put them in practice, which makes these proposals unrealistic. What is more, due to the fact that the German extreme right does participate in the contested political game its message seems untrustworthy. The far right appears not capable – and definitely not willing – to fix the current system, allegedly depriving the nation from its real influence on the decision making process. This observation leads to the conclusion that the far right’ ideal vision of exercising power would be based on negation or distortion of current solutions. Although it was not possible to outline how this ideal would look like in details, the author concludes that we can expect from the extreme right that its imagined political authority will be inconsistent with liberal democratic rules, albeit not necessarily authoritarian nor totalitarian.
EN
The purpose of the article is to describe the 2022 South Korean presidential election against the backdrop of a paradigm shift and to show the challenges and directions of Yoon Suk Yeol’s new administration. The author focuses on the research problems present in the new South Korean politics. Elements of change and continuity, which were also present in previous administrations are highlighted. In May 2022, Yoon Suk Yeol was sworn into the South Korea’s highest office. Yoon’s win in the presidential election ended a trend in which a decade of progressive rule was followed by a change to conservative rule. Since 1998, progressive and conservative presidents have alternated every two terms. The minimal difference in votes in favor of the conservative candidate reflected the divisions and social preferences of Koreans who favored a change from progressive to conservative government. The results of the 2022 presidential election revealed the polarization of South Korean society. Yoon will face a series of difficult challenges. In domestic politics, he must confront the housing crisis, widespread dissatisfaction with economic inequality, and generational tensions, among other issues. Yoon will also be challenged by the parliamentary majority currently held by the Democratic Party in the National Assembly. In foreign policy, South Korea’s new president advocates strengthening the alliance with the United States and cooperation with the Quad countries; he promises to improve relations with Japan, and to take steps toward South Korea playing a greater role in the world. In his inter-Korean policy, on the other hand, Yoon follows the traditional position of the conservatives, pledging to strengthen a policy of deterrence against acts of aggression and provocation by North Korea.
EN
This article propagates a theoretical basis for performing comparative studies in policing. Researchers, carryingout comparative studies should be familiar with the fundamental constructs that underpins policing philosophy, strategyand operations. The fundamental constructs, namely political philosophy, culture and religion, and law underpins policingphilosophy and style while the contextual constructs, crime, economy and demography, are influenced by these fundamentalsand also, as a result of their reciprocal influence amongst themselves, inform policing strategy and operations. Policing agenciesfluctuate on a dichotomy of open and closed systems and the goal achievement system responds to all these influences and betweencentralised and decentralised policing. This article focuses on some of the theoretical and practical issues in performing comparativestudies within and amongst police agencies. Comparisons need to be clearly demarcated, starting firstly with the topic. Theoryand praxis should speak to one another and form the foundation of comparative studies in policing. Without a thoroughunderstanding of the constructs, comparative studies may lack depth and quality. Researchers, undertaking comparative studiesshould be familiar with the fundamental constructs that underpin policing philosophy, strategy and operations. Furthermorethe contextual constructs, influenced both by the fundamental ones and also as a result of their reciprocal influence amongstthemselves, also lead to policing strategy and operations. Understanding the reciprocity amongst the different constructs is essentialfor critical analyses as the basis for comparative studies.
EN
The article is devoted to the Ukrainian political folklore which was published in the inter-war press of the Ukrainian emigration. Some emigrant journals were published in Poland. The pages of these publications published political folklore which was banned in the USSR. The early publications of the anti-Soviet people’s satire have so far been poorly investigated by folklorists who were engaged in political folklore.
EN
Narodowa Demokracja proclaimed its programme to resign from violence as a military activity and manifested its reluctance to insurrectionary techniques of political fighting. It postponed the decision to begin a national uprising, which was supported by a number of factors. Narodowa Demokracja were willing to benefit from the impact made by social authority figures like the Church, the school, and the press. The rules they set out condemned any political loyalty to the occupants. They encouraged passive resistance against Russification or Germanisation and engagement in legal political activities. Narodowa Demokracja focused on how to organise effectively education and upbringing with the use of available means to educate the Polish nation. The experience of the partitions was disregarded when Sanacja, a Polish coalition political movement, was in power. As a result, a wide range of nonviolent resistance methods was adopted, including political and economic boycott.
EN
The study is devoted to the analysis of the interaction of the comic and political in the logic of the popular culture organization. The latter is defined as a form of de-differentiation of mass and elite cultures. It differs from the democratic foundations of Antiquity, where the political needed forms of critical comedy under circumstances of the external institutions absence for self-correction. In the same way, the postmodern situation in the conditions of de-differentiation of all forms of culture gives populism as a new form of political and comic interaction in the conditions of the crisis of the Modernity basic institutions. Postmodern synthesis of political comic and administration of horror testifies to a dedifferentiation in popular culture, and is a symbol of the end of the social. The horror of the total chaos of personified corruption highlights the ironic evidence of their political scheme and the comic populism of their representations. Unlike the comic of Antiquity, where theatrical satire was a way of social criticism of political leaders, and, consequently, a way of increasing meaning, the comic populism of post-modernity is a way of concealing the disappearance of meaning. Although both historical versions of the interaction of political and comic work in the logic of the sign and dominant of popular culture in these periods.
EN
Our purpose in this paper is to argue how the idea of affirmation of life embodies the practice of the art of life. The yes-saying attitude towards life can provide an enormous support for the self-formation practices. Our attempt, then, consists of demonstrating the subjective character of the aesthetic marked by pleasure, and especially a new approach to the relationship between “I” and the other. We comprehend that this sort of life is individually relative or subjective. Meanwhile, there is a political reconfiguration of “I” and the other which ends in freedom. Politics becomes possible in a simultaneous caring for I and the other through the practices of self-constitution. In order to clarify our discussion further, this challenge is accompanied by a presentation of three real lives that are exemplary for us in the art of life; a way of being that stands for a political affirmation of life.
Avant
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2019
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vol. 10
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issue 1
173-187
EN
This paper aims to present how logic may undermine a parliamentary assault on democratic institutions (representing legal guarantees of the rule of law and political freedom) based on the analysis conducted with reference to the so-called Polish constitutional crisis. I analyse whether a law can be reviewed on the basis of this law itself. The Polish Constitutional Tribunal faced such a problem while passing the verdict of 9th March, 2016, regarding the constitutionality of the amendment to the Statute on the Constitutional Tribunal from 22nd December, 2015. This problem, called a ‘verdict paradox’, was claimed to be a type of the Liar paradox. I argue that, contrary to the common view, the problem of the verdict paradox is not based on the Liar paradox; for this purpose, a logical analysis is applied to four variants of a reasoning with regard to the constitutionality of the said amendment. The distinction between two levels of analysis concerning emerging reasonings, namely an abstract (logical) level and a concrete level placed in the context of the legal system, is also introduced. This paper demonstrates that although only two variants of the reasoning concerning a law’s judicial review based on the law itself involve logical contradiction, the possibility of employing reasonings from other variants must be excluded, albeit due to alternative reasons. Therefore, the Constitutional Tribunal’s decision to avoid the verdict paradox by passing over the reviewed provisions in the review process was correct and might be perceived as an example of how logic and reason can defend the institutional guarantees of political freedom.
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EN
A theorist defining the concept “political” needs to decide many methodological dilemmas and evade some disasters and traps, especially elementary mistakes, errors or simplifications. The distinction between the concept of “politics” and the concept of “the political” may be stereotypical, even completely popular, colloquial. However, the terminological similarity and grammatical connection between the noun and adjective or adverb result in definition difficulties. The contrary solution of the variety problem consists in the separate meaning of both concepts. Among the typical temptations for a theorist one could find the following: ontological naturalism, formalism, simple essentialism, reduction of both concepts, illusion of self‑contained political being, ignoring the historical context, syndromatic nature and relativity of the “politicality”.
EN
In Portugal, the suffering and struggle of the East Timorese people for independence started a social movement of solidarity with strong repercussions in the arts, namely music and literature. Children’s Literature depicted the theme of this period of oppression in East Timor, as well as the recognition of its independence and its right to freedom, in a picturebook selected for the White Ravens List in 2003 called East Timor – Island of the Rising Sun (2001), by João Pedro Mésseder and André Letria. This unusual picturebook, characterised by a very simple and sparse, almost poetic, text combined with large-format pictures, depicts this chapter of the contemporary history of East Timor in very specific way, resembling fairy tales or legends. The text and images are combined in order to promote symbolic readings, suggesting a magical/mystical environment that impresses readers. More than a decade later, recent struggles and stories from East Timor are still present in Portuguese picturebooks such as Lya/Lia (2014), by Margarida Botelho. The social change, path to democracy and educational development, as well as daily life and children’s pastimes are now the centre of a narrative that establishes the similarities and differences between modern-day Portugal and East Timor. Our aim is to analyse both the political and ideological perspectives present in these picturebooks aimed at very young readers, offering a broad vision of different realities and contexts, even when they deal with war, death and suffering, as was the case of the East Timorese fight for independence.
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