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EN
Women continue to be underrepresented in the world of politics, even though the formal barriers limiting their access to this sphere of activity have long been removed. The paper ana- lyzes the issue of political factors in women’s political careers and the reasons for their poor presence in this field of activity. Two feasible hypotheses to explain this state of affairs are presented in the paper: the first one assumes that the world of women does not fit that of politics; the second one assumes women’s insufficient competence and a lack of the personal or cognitive predisposition required in order to play political roles. Both hypotheses are tested against the results of numerous studies, including the author’s own research on sexual stereo- types, stereotypes in the perception of politics and politicians, and research into the differences between women in men in respect of the features and competencies that are significant in the profession of a politician.
EN
The article illuminates the profile of Bronisław Geremek as a great historian and politician.
EN
The national revival in Lithuania began in 1987/1988. In 1990 Lithuania proclaimed the Declaration of Independence. The process of becoming independent lasted until 1991 when, after so called “Janajew’s putsch”, Lithuania was recognized by the international community. That process involved also the Poles who have inhabited Lithuania for ages and are now a considerable national minority there. According to the 2001 census, 234 989 people declared the Polish nationality, that is 6.7% of the Lithuanian population. The aim of the article is to present the participation of the Poles in the political life of the Republic of Lithuania. At first the Supreme Council was the main parliamentary body in Lithuania, after some time the Parliament replaced it. In 2004 the elections to the European Parliament took place and that is also mentioned in the article. The author considers here the time between 1990 and 2008. The beginning is marked by the symbolic gaining independence by Lithuania. The closing date is the parliamentary elections in fall 2008. The Polish community in Lithuania was at first represented by the Association of Poles in Lithuania (ZPL), and since 1994 by The Electoral Action of Poles in Lithuania (AWPL). The results of the parliamentary elections in Lithuania are analyzed in the article with particular attention paid to votes for the Polish representatives. The documents of the Central Electoral Commission in Lithuania and the Polish press in Lithuania, as well as the author's own observations are the source materials for the article. Some demands of the Polish community presented during the electoral campaign are also discussed in the article.
EN
The main object of the study was a description of the level and forms of political activity and different values treated as predicators of this activity in the years 2004, 2010 and 2014 during the period of transformation of the political and economic system in Poland. The article presents the results of researches performed on samples of 383 (2004), 234 (2010) and 295 (2014) students of psychology and political sciences. The results show that the level of political activity is generally the same and rather low (especially in the case of actual unconventional activity). We can even observe the lower level of actual conventional political activity in the year 2014. The highest level was achieved by legal, unconventional potential political activity. The strongest predicator of activity is belief in the value of the activity (positive correlation) and political freedom (negative correlation). Acceptance of individualistic values generally does not account either for conventional or unconventional forms of activity, whereas collectivistic orientation is a factor determining a rather lower level of unconventional activity.
EN
Voluntary activity is a form of civic activity, which is an essential part of modern, wellfunctioning democracy, both at the local and national levels. Popular ideas identify volunteering with work in community centers, rehabilitation centers for the disabled, hospices, nursing homes for the elderly, orphanages, and homes for single mothers. Meanwhile, as it was confirmed by the study of the Klon/Jawor and CBOS, voluntary activity is not just purely social and supportive one. Volunteers, as is the case in other countries, support with their work organizations of political nature – movements, committees, and political groups. The use of their support intensifies especially during election campaigns, when volunteers perform different tasks: gather signatures on lists of candidates in the election, organize rallies and campaign trails, lead wide campaigning – handing out leaflets and urging to vote for particular candidates or political parties, prepare handouts, and update web pages, blogs and profiles in social networks. This voluntary, and – what needs to be especially emphasized – also conscious involvement in political activity, is a manifestation of a particular group of civic participation in its political dimension.
PL
The publication is devoted to the problems of towns and townspeople’s activity in the political life of Poland before the Partitions. The research problem taken up in the article determined the possibly universal understanding of the term “town” and resignation from penetrating into terminological disputes related to the multifaceted nature of “urban issues” resulting in polemical multithreading in the doctrine. A broad temporal range was supposed to show the dynamics of undertaken actions, the progress and regress of the discussed process and the diversity of forms of active participation of towns and townspeople in the political life of the state. The author also tried to consider whether the explored issue could have an impact on the original direction of the systemic evolution of the former Polish statehood.
EN
This article presents the impact of Latinos’ on American politics. Hispanic community living in the United States has become an important part of its society. Numbers describing Latinos are impressive as well as alarming. Data released by the U.S. Census shows a constant growth of Spanish‑speaking population in the USA. Because of these numbers, questions asked about the political power of Hispanics seem legitimate. However, Latinos do not fully use their electoral power. Their voter turnout is, among other issues, the main reason of their limited political influence. On the other hand, Hispanic activists are trying to show members of different Latino subgroups that their future in America depends on their political participation. The following article discusses these issues and shows the long way that Latinos have to go to become a real political power in the United States.
EN
Political activity is a type of social activity displayed by citizens. Observations and research indicate that gender can be a factor which conditions its degree and forms. Apart from biological gen­der, which shapes the societal roles of women and men, additional factors that are supposedly respon­sible for their activities include elements of the system of beliefs (i.e. acknowledged political values, conviction that political activity has an importance, level of satisfaction with democracy as well as individualism and collectivism understood as an element of individual’s mentality). The impact of those factors on degree of conventional political activities among women and men is the subject of surveys which were conducted in 2004, 2010, and 2014 on a group of 1048 students from Polish universities. The received results show that differences in political activity between surveyed men and women as well as varying determinants in both groups are slowly fading away. The most important predictors of women’s political activity include: conviction of its significance in democracy and (dis)satisfaction with the way it functions.
EN
The aim of this article is to present a fragment of the research results obtained during the implementation of the research project: "Communicating Policy Actors". The research was aimed at diagnosing the activity of the "Y" generation in political communication via the Internet. The research was conducted among the community of students studying in Katowice, at faculties of science, journalism, communication and new media. Apart from the assumed above-average use of new media tools by students, the rationale for directing research at students was their potential participation in professional life, in which they are consulted on everyday political activities. The research hypothesis was that the respondents were aware of the importance of their participation in political communication.
EN
The article presents the results of field research conducted among Poles inhabiting Bukovina in autumn 2016. The main goal and subject of the research conducted by means of an In-Depth Interview (IDI) was the political activity (especially electoral activity) and political views of local Poles. The article analyzes closely such issues as: (a) the degree of interest in politics; (b) support for particular political parties; (c) motivation behind support for particular parties; (d) activities of Poles in local government elections; (e) ways of choosing local leaders; (f) comparison of political activities shown by Poles and Romanians; (g) the role of a Polish member of parliament in Bucharest; (h) political activities of Poles outside the Association of Poles. The article presents synthetic conclusions from the conducted research and quotes selected fragments of respondents’ statements.
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2019
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vol. 51
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issue 2
PL
Artykuł ukazuje sylwetkę prof. Wacława Komarnickiego, posła na sejm II RP, jednego z najwybitniejszych polskich prawników. Przedstawiono jego młodość, pracę naukową i dydaktyczną w Wilnie i Warszawie oraz zaangażowanie polityczne przed wybuchem II wojny światowej. Okres niewoli sowieckiej został scharakteryzowany i wzbogacony relacją z pobytu w obozach jenieckich w Kozielsku i Griazowcu. Przedstawiono działalność publiczną w Wielkiej Brytanii, gdzie był ministrem sprawiedliwości w dwóch rządach RP na uchodźstwie w latach 1942–1944. The article presents the biography of Wacław Komarnicki, MP of the Second Polish Republic, one of the most outstanding Polish lawyers. The article discusses his youth, the period of scientific and didactic work in Vilnius and Warsaw and his political engagement before the outbreak of World War II. Particular emphasis is put on the period of captivity in the Soviet POW camps from September 1939 to August 1941; this period is characterised and enriched by Wacław Komarnicki’s report of the time he spent in POW camps at Kozelsk and Gryazovets. His public activity in Great Britain is presented as Minister of Justice in two Polish governments-in-exile in 1942–1944.
EN
The article analyses the political attitudes and behaviours of the citizens, and describes the content and dynamics of the changes occurring due to the evolution of the Polish political system. The analysis of political participation by Polish citizens is presented in relation to the theoretical construct of social attitudes as a foundation of democracy, as proposed by Dahl. In the context of society’s approach to democracy and trust in institutions, a comparative analysis has been presented of voter participation in subsequent parliamentary and local elections. The process of creating a civil society, including the various forms of participation in non-governmental organisations, has been presented in relation to attitudes such as cooperation, social trust and care for the common good. In order to illustrate the egocentric and particularistic attitudes, the activities of citizens involved in the politics of protest have been analysed. Recent years have seen a number of demonstrations; symbolic in nature and testimony to certain principles, which have been used here as material for the analysis of the ideological approach to political problems. To sum up the problem of political participation of Polish citizens, it can be said that the dynamics of the forms and content of political participation indicates a growing involvement of citizens in the governance process, which definitely makes a positive contribution to the development of democracy. It must be noted, however, that the political activity of a large part of society has not been motivated by pro-democratic attitudes. The high diversification, disparity and instability of attitudes translate into the forms and content of political participation.
PL
Artykuł zawiera analizę postaw i zachowań politycznych obywateli, opis ich treści i dynamiki zmian zachodzących pod wpływem ewolucji polskiego systemu politycznego. Analizę partycypacji politycznej Polaków przedstawiono w odniesieniu do teoretycznego konstruktu postaw społecznych leżących u podstaw demokracji, zaproponowanego przez R. Dahla. W kontekście stosunku społeczeństwa do demokracji i zaufania do instytucji przedstawiono analizę porównawczą partycypacji wyborczej w kolejnych wyborach parlamentarnych i samorządowych. Proces kreowania społeczeństwa obywatelskiego – różne formy uczestnictwa w organizacjach pozarządowych przedstawiono w odniesieniu do postaw współdziałania, zaufania społecznego i dbałości o wspólne dobro. Dla ilustracji postaw egocentrycznych i partykularnych grupowych dokonano analizy działań obywateli uczestniczących w polityce protestu. Liczne demonstracje, jakie miały miejsce w ostatnich latach o znaczeniu symbolicznym, stanowiące wyraz dawania świadectwa wartościom posłużyły jako materiał do analizy ideologicznego stosunku do problemów politycznych. Podsumowując problem partycypacji politycznej Polaków można stwierdzić, iż dynamika form i treści partycypacji politycznej świadczą o pogłębiającym się uczestnictwie obywateli w procesie rządzenia państwem, co niewątpliwie stanowi pozytywny aspekt rozwoju demokracji. Zauważyć jednakże należy, że u podstaw aktywności politycznej znacznej części społeczeństwa nie leżą postawy sprzyjające demokracji. Silne zróżnicowanie, niespójność i chwiejność postaw przekłada się na formy i treść partycypacji politycznej.
EN
&e article tries to analyze the participation and political representation of the Polish minority in Ukraine and the Ukrainian minority in Poland in the period 1990-2015. Its meaning stems from at least several reasons. Firstly, because the both states officially accepted national minorities a´er 1990, they have introduced institutional arrangements of protection of their rights and have signed the major international documents in this area. Secondly, because the process of adaptation of European standards of minority protection took place in both countries in the situation of deep democratic changes and market reforms. Hence, the question of the role of minority policy in this has emerged. &irdly, because the both countries are linked to one another because of a shared common history that sometimes divides societies and public opinion in these states and the political activity of both groups can increase or diminish these socio-political divisions. In the case of the Polish minority in Ukraine this article draws attention to the lack of political representation at country level and its limited activity as the Polish group at the local level (based on the Zhytomyr example). On the other hand in the case of the Ukrainian minority in Poland the article highlights the process of gradual decline of its political activity on the country level (as a result of the spatial dispersion of this group and the absence of a political partner on the country political scene) while we may observe its political activity at the local level.
PL
Artykuł podejmuje analizę uczestnictwa i reprezentacji politycznej mniejszości polskiej na Ukrainie i mniejszości ukraińskiej w Polsce w latach 1990-2015. Jej znaczenie wynika z co najmniej kilku powodów. Po pierwsze oba państwa oficjalnie zaakceptowały po 1990 r. mniejszości narodowe, wprowadziły sprzyjające im rozwiązania instytucjonalne oraz podpisały i ratyfikowały główne dokumenty międzynarodowe w tej dziedzinie. Po drugie adaptacja europejskich standardów ochrony mniejszości nastąpiła w obu krajach w sytuacji demokratycznych zmian ustrojowych oraz reform rynkowych. Stąd pojawiło się pytanie o rolę polityki wobec mniejszości w sytuacji trudnych zmian prawnych i społecznych. Po trzecie oba kraje są powiązane ze sobą ze względu na wspólną historię, która czasami bardzo dzieli oba społeczeństwa i opinię publiczną, a aktywność polityczna obu grup może zwiększać albo zmniejszać te podziały społeczno-polityczne. Artykuł w wypadku mniejszości polskiej na Ukrainie zwraca uwagę na brak jej reprezentacji politycznej na poziomie ogólnokrajowym i niewielką jej aktywność jako grupy polskiej na poziomie lokalnym (przykład Żytomierza). Z kolei w przypadku mniejszości ukraińskiej w Polsce artykuł podkreśla proces stopniowego zmniejszenia jej aktywności politycznej na poziomie ogólnokrajowym (co wynika z rozproszenia przestrzennego tej grupy i braku politycznego partnera na scenie krajowej) i jednocześnie wzrost jej aktywności na poziomie lokalnym.
Sowiniec
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2013
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issue 43
103-116
EN
The murder of priest Jerzy Popiełuszko, perpetrated by the officers of the Security Service [Służba Bezpieczeństwa], had far-reaching social and political consequences in the People’s Republic of Poland. The perpetrators’ trial was of equal importance. The trial was staged by the communist authorities in such a way that those who commissioned the murder could not be traced. The article aims at analysing, on a few examples, how the priest Popieluszko’s murder was received and what the far-reaching repercussions were, from the perspective of opinions by selected people from the Krakow region. The intentions of the Krakow Committee of the PZPR’s authorities who worked to ‘cover up the Popieluszko case’, as stated in one of the acts, are presented on the basis of selected archives. The first part of the article presents examples of the society’s reactions to the kidnapping and assassination of ‘Solidarity’s’ chaplain and the progress of his killers’ trial, the information gathered among the residents of the province by the order of the communist authorities. The second part of the article contains a brief analysis of the selected texts published in “Gazeta Krakowska”, associated with the aforementioned issue. The majority of these texts were submitted from the head office of the PZPR via the Polish Press Agency [PAP]; they were also statements made by Jerzy Urban, the communist government spokesperson. However, the editors of this party-endorsed daily newspaper also had their own ‘original’ contribution to propaganda attacks directed against priest J. Popieluszko (the articles by Stanislaw Stanuch).
PL
W artykule została podjęta próba odpowiedzi na pytanie dotyczące tego, czy – a jeżeli tak, to w jaki sposób – płeć różnicuje uczestnictwo w życiu politycznym. Przywołane wyniki badań prowadzą, po pierwsze, do wniosku, że obecnie w ramach tak zwanych konwencjonalnych aktywności politycznych Polki i Polacy w gruncie rzeczy niespecjalnie się różnią. Po drugie można na ich podstawie powiedzieć, że socjodemograficzny portret kobiet i mężczyzn szczególnie aktywnych w sferze polityki (czyli zasiadających w parlamencie) także jest bardzo podobny. Różnice, jak można sądzić, są w tym wypadku związane z cechami osobowościowymi i kulturowymi zasobami, które posłanki i posłowie wnoszą na sejmową scenę. Także one wydają się w niemałej części zbliżone czy porównywalne, ale jednak w ramach charakterystycznego dla większości kobiet stylu uprawiania polityki zasoby, które przecież posiadają także mężczyźni, wykorzystywane są z inną intensywnością.
EN
The article attempts to answer the question related to if, and if so then in what ways does gender differentiate political participation. The results of studies cited in the article lead to a conclusion that, in fact, when it comes to current so-called conventional frameworks of political activity, Polish males and females do not differ substantially. Furthermore, based on the studies, it is possible to claim that the socio-demographic image of men and women particularly active in the sphere of politics (sitting members of parliament) is also very similar. Differences are in this case related to personal characteristics and cultural capital which men and women of the parliament bring to the table. Both of these aspects are largely similar or comparable, however, within the style of doing politics typical for most women, the resources which men also possess are employed with different intensity.
16
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The Age of Counter-Democracy

60%
PL
Celem niniejszego artykułu jest analiza natury i fenomenu kontrdemokracji. Autor próbuje wskazać dlaczego się pojawiła, co przyniesie i jakie nowe wyzwania stawia przed światem. Zdaniem autora najważniejszym problemem, z którym musimy się zmierzyć jest to czy demokracja upada i kontrdemokracja rośnie? Dlaczego kontrdemokracja w ogóle zaistniała? Dlaczego ludzie sięgają po nowe formy organizacji, działalności politycznej i kontroli? Czy mechanizmy demokracji liberalnej nie mogą stawić czoła wyzwaniom naszych czasów? A może dlatego, że ludzie nie ufają już formalnym sposobom udziału, choćby pośredniego, w rządach? Czy pojawienie się jej oznacza początek końca demokracji liberalnej, jaką dziś znamy? Lub czy są to dwa nierozłączne części tworzące jedną całość?
EN
The study is an analysis of the counter-democracy nature and phenomena, Author tries to show why it’s so present in our reality and what new challenges it makes us face. He claims, the most important question is the one about the democracy falling and counter-democracy rising. Why the counter-democracy seems to replace traditional model? Why people seems to look for urgently a new form of organization, political activity and control? Are the mechanism of liberal democracy no longer valid, unable to face the challenges of our reality? Or maybe people no longer trust the formal ways? Does the counter-democracy sunrise mean the sunset of liberal democracy model known today or they may coexist?
EN
The aim of the paper is to diagnose the use of social media (such as Facebook, Instagram, and Twitter) by young Georgians (understood as people aged 18-35) in social and political activities to support Ukraine in the context of the ongoing war. The authors assumed that young Georgians use social media to a large extent to support Ukraine as a kind of socio-political activity, thanks to which the attitudes of young people towards the war itself and Georgia's place in this conflict are visible. To meet the above research objective and verify the initial hypothesis, the following research methods were used: (1) the method of analysing existing data – a review of the literature representing Polish researchers was conducted regarding terminological and conceptual issues related to “social activity” and “political activity”; (2) a statistical method with the technique of analysing secondary statistical data collected by the Caucasian Research Resource Centre; (3) the method of qualitative analysis with the technique of researching new media, namely social media, which is currently an important source of information about young people. The research allowed for a preliminary analysis of the importance of this type of new media in socio-political activity undertaken by young people, especially in expressing their opinions and presenting attitudes. The article does not exhaust the selected subject; it is only a study that made the analysis of the meaning and topicality of this issue possible. Such recognition of the research area also provided the opportunity to find a number of empirical methods that can fill the research gap in the context of studying young Georgians, as well as the role of social media in their social and political life.
PL
Artykuł przedstawia wyniki badań z 2015 r. dotyczące nastrojów politycznych kazachskiej młodzieży. Wskazują one na niskie zainteresowanie polityką. Analiza orientacji politycznej wedle tożsamości regionalnej wykazała, że młodzież z północnych, zachodnich i wschodnich regionów postrzega sytuację polityczną jako „niespokojną”. Natomiast respondenci z południowej i środkowej części kraju sytuację polityczną odbierali jako neutralną, wykazywali ponadto wysoki poziom tolerancji do kwestii politycznych i zdolności władania dyskursem politycznym. Profil polityczny młodzieży Kazachstanu nie jest jednorodny, dodatkowo zatarte są granice preferencji politycznych. Analiza wykazała również, że na formowanie ideologicznej i politycznej postawy wpływają raczej czynniki kulturowe (preferencje i stereotypy) niż społeczne.
RU
В статье анализируется степень заинтересованности и участия молодых казахстанцев в политической жизни страны. Согласно данным социологического исследования, проведенного в 2015 году среди молодежи, прослеживается региональная дифференциации в политической активности: молодежь «северного», «западного» и «восточного» регионов с тенденцией «неспокойного» восприятия политической ситуации, тогда как респонденты «южного» и «центрального» регионов с оценкой «нейтральности» и с высокой степенью политической толерантности и проявления способности к политическому дискурсу. Политический профиль молодых казахстанцев характеризуется в большей степени неопределенностью. Также и размыты границы политических предпочтений: основными факторами формирования идеологических и политических позиций являются скорее культурные (предпочтения и стереотипы) нежели социальные факторы.
EN
In the article data presented from the sociological research conducted in 2015 indicate that the participation of youth in politics and the interest is very low. Monitoring of political orientations in the projection on regional identity showed some significant differences: the youth of the “Northern”, “Western” and “Eastern” regions is with a tendency to the “troubled” perception of the political situation, while respondents of “Southern” and “Central” regions with the “neutral” assessment of and with a high degree of political tolerance and displaying the ability to political discourse. The political profile of young Kazakhs is characterized by a greater degree of uncertainty. Also, the boundaries of political preferences are blurred: the main factors of the formation of the ideological and political positions are to the greater extent cultural (preferences and stereotypes) rather than social factors.
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2013
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vol. 4
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issue 7
67-88
EN
The text provides the contextual and rhetorical analysis of the anonymous pamphlet Krótkie zebranie rzeczy potrzebnych z strony wolności published in 1587. It examines the problem of “liberty” in the way it was used in the political debate – as we understand it – after the death of Stefan Batory. The author considers the objectives of the work which – as he understands them – are the promotion of the views of the opposition, and, above all, public activity as a good in itself. According to the author of the text, thepamphlet reveals – as it terms it – “the kitchen” (or the underlying) attitude of the szlachta towards reasonable politics. It manages to do this in many ways: from showing a gallery of personal characters derived from history and an exemplary method of political debating (a speech from the kokosza war) up to a deliberation on the different aspects of liberty in the Commonwealth (a right and wrong understanding of “liberty”). The text also represents a moderate methodological polemic with a traditional paradigm of political science (in the meaning of the history of ideas): it suggests a rhetorical analysis of the implementation of ideas in historio-political contexts.  
PL
Tekst jest poświęcony analizie kontekstowej i retorycznej anonimowej broszury Krótkie zebranie rzeczy potrzebnych z strony wolności wydanej w 1587 roku. Bada się w nim użycie zagadnienia „wolności” w politycznej debacie – jak rozumiemy – po śmierci Stefana Batorego. Autor rozważa cele dzieła, które rozumie jako promowanie postawy opozycyjnej, a przede wszystkim aktywności publicznej jako dobra samego w sobie, które służyć ma dobru wspólnemu. Broszura, zdaniem autora tekstu, odsłania niejako „kuchnię” szlacheckiego podejścia do rozumnej polityki: poprzez ukazanie galerii przykładów osobowych wywiedzionych z historii, poprzez przykładowy sposób debaty publicznej (mowy z „wojny kokoszej”), aż po rozważania o wymiarach wolności w Rzeczypospolitej (dobre i złe rozumienie „wolności”). Tekst jest też stonowaną polemiką metodologiczną z tradycyjną szkołą politologiczną (w znaczeniu historia idei); proponuje się w nim retoryczną analizę zastosowań idei w kontekstach historyczno- politycznych.
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