Pre-election TV debates are not merely a means of providing information. Their primary objective is the implementation of carefully formulated marketing strategy. The process of making politics personalized and entertaining undoubtedly contributes to the surge in their popularity. They become not only a means of conveying the information included in election manifestos or outlining the profiles of candidates. They create a kind of show, based on specific rules and a top-down program, designed to reach out to voters effectively. Public opinion polls clearly show that the evaluation of the effectiveness of such programs is strongly correlated with the declared policy preferences. This article presents an image of pre-election debates with the use of the 2011 parliamentary campaign. The main aim of the discussion is to answer the question of whether pre-election television debates are an effective way of reaching out to voters. The second aspect of the analysis is the context of ”the debate over the debate”, which gives a specific character to the events described.
A permanent campaign is one of the elements of political communication. It can be observed as a process since at least 2004. The aim of this analysis is the description of the phenomenon of the permanent campaign in Poland in terms of its genesis, elements and importance. The permanent campaign inPoland depends on several factors. First of all, its existence is possible thanks to the development of new media, political advising, and media visibility of politician’s activity. The permanent campaign has lasted in Poland since 2004. It is connected with the development of political consulting and the appearance for the first time in Poland of specific media performances, such as inquiry committees. They were a kind of media attraction for viewers. An important element of the permanent campaign is the functioning of a multi-dimensional conflict between the rulers and the opposition. Antagonism is usually based on a different system of values, is difficult to eliminate, is profitable for both sides of the conflict, because it arouses the interest of the media and the audience’s attention.
2018 midterm elections in the United States allowed more ethnically and racially diverse candidates to become members of the Congress. The use of social media tools helped them to reach out to their community and get out the vote, which is especially important in Democratic campaign tactics. The article, by focusing on Colin Allred's and Andy Kim's Congressional bids, focuses on how their issue-oriented campaigns helped to mobilize the liberal voters. Furthermore, by analysing the rapidly changing demographics, it tackles the crucial question: do they mean the doom of the Republican Party?
Negative political advertising and its effectiveness has always been the concern of not only political scientists, but also sociologists and marketing experts. This specific form of advertising is also increasingly used in the Czech political environment. The author focused on the answers to such questions as: what are the effects of this form of political advertising from the perspective of persuasive linear models, which are actually based on cognition, emotion and conative/voting behavior. Based both on international research carried out in this area and facts from Czech republic, he notes that voters perceive this form of advertising as one that offers them more information, attracts a greater degree of attention and more trust than in the case of positive advertising. Taking into account emotional effects, this form of political advertising is often followed by disgust, fear and other negative reactions. These are, however, strong incentives that subsequently bring some negative effects in voter`s conative/behavioral activities. These include in particular the reluctance to vote, negative public sentiment and escalating political cynicism. In the evaluation of the effectiveness of negative political campaigns what should also be taken into account is their cultural environment. What could be effective in the US may not be very effective in countries with different cultural values shaped their historical development and by existing cultural dimensions of these countries.
This publication is a work of a theoretical-analytical. The study focuses mainly on the concepts of political marketing and image Aleksander Kwasniewski, and describes marketing tools which were used in both campaigns. Particular attention was paid to the impact of Jolanta Kwaśniewska on both her husband's presidential campaign.
The article focuses on the issue of election silence, the range of its applicability and significance for the Polish democratic system. It describes in detail the legal perspective of the phenomenon at the same time illustrating its actual impact on the functioning of party competition and electoral decision-making process. The primary goal of this paper is to present the results of empirical studies on the importance of pre-election polls for the development of the actual support of voters. Empirical verification has been applied to a thesis which assumes that the publication of opinion polls in support of candidates or political parties during election campaigns should be forbidden longer than just during election silence. The results were also correlated with the declared political preferences of the respondents, which allowed the author a more detailed analysis of the revealed regularities.
This article’s aim is to outline the stimulators of the division of Polish society. Maintained since the beginning of transformations, a quite stable historical division between post-communist and post-Solidarity camp, ceased to play a dominant role after 14 years. The crisis within the largest party on the left side of the political spectrum and then a collapse of the existing monolith, started significant transformations in Polish politics. The loss of public support for the coalition of the Democratic Left Alliance and the Labour Union has eliminated these parties with further, real struggle for power, leaving competing parties derived from the Solidarity camp. The presidential and parliamentary election campaign of 2005 revealed a new axis of the dispute, which has found its symbolic reflected in two variants of Poland, a “Solidarity” and “liberal” ones. Still exciting, but much less than a few years ago, it remains a matter of vetting, decommunisation and deubekization. The meaning is not lost and the philosophical issues, including the dispute over the role and place of the Church in public life, attitude towards abortion and in vitro, seem to play a dominant role. New lines of “sharing” sets today, first of all proportion to the Smolensk disaster, the country’s modernization, and further integration of Poland with the European Union, in particular the adoption of a common currency, Euro.
Alongside the breakdown of authoritarian regimes and the restitution of democratic order in Poland and other Central East European countries, the fi rst open election campaigns accom- panied by political consultants emerged. Since the beginning of the transition, the role of consultants as well as consultants themselves have been going through constant changes bound up with modernizing the political scene and system and ways of leading political campaigns. The present article seeks to interrogate the categories of political consulting models we have been facing in Poland and refers them to worldwide tendencies. This study analyses the ways in which political consultants have arisen, their institutional adherence, methods of action, roles in the political communication process, as well as changeovers and development tendencies to this extent. The article provides a comparative analysis of three campaign models defined by Farrell, Kolodny and Medvic and the types of political consultants reviewed by the scope literature. This study concludes with a prognosis of the development of political consulting tendencies in Poland in a worldwide context.
Rozważania naukowe dotyczące marketingu politycznego bardzo często sprowadzają się do dyskusji na temat politycznej historii XX i XXI wieku z pominięciem istotnych zmian w zakresie narzędzi wykorzystywanych do realizacji strategii wyborczej. Tymczasem analiza naukowa dotycząca marketingu politycznego, jako subdyscypliny stosowanej, uwzględniać winna mechanizmy realizacji określonych zadań. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest więc uzupełnienie tej “luki” i próba zastanowienia się nad wpływem narzędzi opartych o Big data na szerszy obraz tego, co nazywamy zabiegami marketingowymi w obszarze polityki. Pragniemy też poddać pod osąd czytelnika hipotezę, iż daleko idące zmiany w tym obszarze, w szczególności widoczne w kampaniach wyborczych i referendalnych w 2016 r., mogą stanowić przesłankę wyodrębnienia nowego paradygmatu w dyskusji na temat wykorzystania strategii marketingowych w komunikowaniu politycznym. Jest on wynikiem połączenia funkcji kanału komunikacji (internet) z jednoczesnym wykorzystaniem go jako źródła zdobywania danych o wyborcach. Te są zaś wykorzystywane w celach marketingowych. Podkreślić należy, iż mechanizm ten, od niemal dekady stosowany w obszarze działań komercyjnych, na gruncie polityki rodzi zupełnie nowe, potencjalnie niebezpieczne dla obywatela konsekwencje.
EN
Academic considerations on the topic of political marketing very often boil down to discussing the political history of the 20th and 21st centuries, while failing to account for the significant changes in the range of instruments used to implement election strategies. However, the academic discussion about political marketing as an applied sub-discipline should take into account some mechanisms for accomplishing specified tasks. Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to fill this gap and try to examine the influence of the tools based on big data on the broad picture of what we name marketing activities in the field of politics. We would like to present readers with our hypothesis that the profound changes in this area that were particularly noticeable in the election and referendum campaigns in 2016 may provide a premise to identify a new paradigm in the discussion on the use of marketing strategies in political communication. It would be based on the Internet combining the function of a communication channel and a source of data about voters. This information is next used for marketing purposes. It should be emphasized that this mechanism that has been used in the field of commercial activities for almost a decade, in the field of politics produces completely new and potentially dangerous consequences for citizens
Współczesne kampanie polityczne muszą sprawnie operować zarówno tradycyjnymi środkami przekazu, jak i nowymi mediami, by ich kandydat mógł wygrać. Rozwój social mediów pozwala nawiązać relację z wyborcą, poprzez możliwość udostępniania oraz interakcji kontentu udostępnianego przez kandydata. W dzisiejszych czasach, z pomocą internetu, kandydat może poświęcić mniejszą ilość pieniędzy oraz czasu na kampanię, jednocześnie mając dostęp do szerszej bazy potencjalnych wyborców. Warto jednak pamiętać, że internet jest nowym wynalazkiem, a na początku XXI wieku jedynie odrobinę ponad 50% Amerykanów miało do niego codzienny dostęp. Celem artykułu jest sprawdzenie w jaki sposób kandydaci w wyborach prezydenckich w Stanach Zjednoczonych próbowali zachęcić wyborców do swojej kandydatury poprzez użycie internetu; co więcej, artykuł zadaje pytanie jaki typ wyborcy korzystał z internetu w XX wieku oraz jakiego typu kandydaci mieli największe szanse na zdobycie ich poparcia.
EN
Modern political campaigns in the United States need to combine the use of traditional and new media in order to let the candidate win. The emergement of social media allowed the campaign staffs to create a bond with the voter, through sharing and evaluating the content uploaded by the candidate. Nowadays, with the help of the internet, candidate is able to spend less time and money on the campaign, while interacting with a much bigger number of followers. The internet, however, is a rather new invention and only in the 21st century more than 50% of Americans started to use it on a daily basis. The study aims at determining how did the presidential candidates in the United States try to attract the voter with the help of the World Wide Web – what is more, it’s goal is to answer what kind of voter used the internet back in the 20th century and what kind of candidate would have the biggest chance to attract him.
The aim of the paper is to analyze the campaign before the referendum on Poland’s accession to the European Union in the context of political consulting. It is worth mentioning that political elites of that time supported European Union enlargement. The first part of the paper reviews the characteristics of referendum, information campaign and referendum campaign. The second one discusses the activity and arguments presented by the president, the government, the political parties and non-governmental organizations.
PL
Celem artykułu jest analiza kampanii przed referendum akcesyjnym Polski do struktur Unii Europejskiej w kontekście doradztwa politycznego. Należy podkreślić, że ówczesne elity polityczne popierały rozszerzenie Unii Europejskiej. Pierwsza część artykułu poświęcona jest charakterystyce referendum, kampanii informacyjnej oraz kampanii referendalnej. Druga część artykułu zawiera działalność i argumenty przywoływane przez prezydenta, rząd, partie polityczne organizacje pozarządowe.
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