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EN
Based on an analysis of the works of Łukasz Surowiec, demonstrated at the exhibition Dziady (2013) in The Bunkier Sztuki Gallery in Cracow, the author examines the ways in which Surowiec's art interferes with the realm of political. She draws on the concepts of Jacques Ranciere's le partage du sensible and Andrzej Turowski's particular art to point on some innovative strategies the artist uses in order to subvert the existing, stabilized visual regimes of homelessness and social exclusion. The aim of this article is to answer the question, if and how the work of Surowiec contributes to a political change.
EN
In the literature on democratization and autocratization, one of the areas which clearly shows a gap in the theoretical framework is a very important territorial dimension of theseprocesses. This article is aimed at proposing the theoretical approaches based on two main pillars, which can be used in studies on democratization and autocratization at the subnational levels. The first one refers to democracy and changes of political regimes (approaches to democratization / autocratization and more static issues of the quality of democracy and local democracy). The second one refers to the territorial politics, accounting for the multilevel and network governance as well as theories of decentralization. Eventually, the author also presents possible preliminary directions of research, within which the territorial politics can be either an independent, alternatively intervening variable (studies on causes of changes regarding the political regime) or a dependent variable (analysis of effects of these changes).
Political Preferences
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2022
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vol. 30
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issue 2
45-59
EN
Political relevance is one of the most essential elements of political subjectivity. The process of its acquisition by political parties is not only a factor of their success, but also the foundation of their ability to influence the sphere of current politics. The political relevance of political parties combines both the institutional dimension of political processes and the practice of competition in three dimensions: electoral, parliamentary and cabinet. Only when parties are able to participate in all the three dimensions will they be able to perform the most important functions. The following article presents a specific dimension of acquiring political relevance, which is the management of political change.
EN
The theoretical category of militant democracy in Karl Loevenstein’s meaning is described well in world scholarly literature. Notwithstanding, there is no comprehensive typology of militant democracy which would allow for identifying and diversifying various political regimes which meet the distinctive features of the Weberian ideal type of militant democracy. Therefore, the main aim of this paper is to formulate a typology of militant democracies which would be a useful analytical tool for studying diverse political regimes. Importantly, this paper contributes to the field by proposing the framework of the theory, i.e., militant democracies’ trajectory of continuance which consists of the types of militant democracies and the relationships between them. It is significant to assume that the subjects of militant democracy use offensive and defensive strategies which are characterised by the following degrees of intensity: low, moderate, and high. Hence, nine types of these strategies’ configurations are determined. They generate nine types of militant democracies. Moreover, there are nine factorial relationships between them, which are useful for assessing whether and how empirical exemplifications of political regimes change. This proposal of the typology of militant democracies is highly applicable to empirical studies and worth developing in a theoretical way on the basis of new criteria such as the potential of regime regeneration.
EN
The following text presents various alternative theoretical approaches in political socialization research. Some of the theoretical insights provided by the functional, systemic and interpretative perspectives are identifiedin order to depict the discussion around the continuity and change within the political socialization research. Whereas in the firstperiod of political socialization research the aim was to explain the continuity in the development of political orientations, it was later forced to account for modificationand the potential for change (especially when addressing the interpretative issues of identity politics). After describing the field’stheoretical shifts, the life-course model of political socialization is presented. The life-course model attempts to deal with the problem of continuity and change in the political socialization process, pointing to its remarkable complexity and lifelong flexibility.It offers a systematic, interdisciplinary and holistic way of conceptualizing political socialization. It points to the importance of political socialization research in demonstrating interdependence between objective functions of the political system and subjective political learning of a reflexive individual.
PL
Artykuł analizuje zmiany, które w ramach systemu partyjnego Wielkiej Brytanii ujawniły się w okresie 1997-2010. Dotyczy to takich zjawisk, jak: radykalny spadek członkostwa w partiach, zanik lojalności elektoratów partyjnych, oligarchizacja partii, wzrost znaczenia przywódców, zanik ideologii i będące tego następstwem przesunięcie się głównych partii w kierunku centrum. Większość z omawianych zjawisk jest wynikiem procesów długookresowych, jednakże ich kumulacja i skutki szczególnie mocno ujawniły się po wyborach 1997 r. Podstawową tezą wypływającą z niniejszej analizy jest twierdzenie, że: Nowa jakość w ramach brytyjskiego systemu partyjnego od końca XX w. polega na tym, iż zachodzące już wcześniej zmiany na poziomie elektoralnym doczekały się „instytucjonalnego wsparcia” w postaci reform ustrojowych
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63%
PL
W artykule autorzy dokonali próby oceny zmian systemu prawnego Polski po 1989 r., jakie dokonały się w wyniku demokratycznej transformacji. Po 1989 r dokonano w Polsce szeregu zmian ustrojowych, systemowych, prawnych, gospodarczych oraz społecznych. Konstytucja z 1997 r. określiła ramy systemu sprawowania władzy w Polsce uwzględniając takie te wymagania prawne, które wynikają z przynależności Polski do NATO i Unii Europejskiej. Przemiany podniosły sprawność demokratycznego systemu prawa, dając możliwość efektywnego uczestnictwa obywateli w życiu społecznym. Jednak społeczeństwo w Polsce ma niski poziom zaufania do prawa, sądów oraz sędziów. Polski system prawa po transformacji nie wyzbył się charakteru biurokratycznego, spolityzowanego układem rządzących. Ponadto poszanowanie prawa, które jest modelem postępowania administracji państwowej, jako niezbędne minimum dla jej oceny politycznej, zderza się z konfliktowością polityki i wytwarza funkcjonalne podziały w sferze realizacji demokratycznej natury państwa prawa.
EN
In the article, the author sat tempted to assess the changes in the Polish legal system after 1989, which took place as a result of the democratic transformation. After 1989, a number of political, systemic, legal, economic and social changes were made in Poland. The Constitution of 1997 defined the frame work for the system of governance in Poland and resulting from Poland’s accession to NATO and the European Union. Transformation shave improved the efficiency of the democratic system of law by enabling citizen stop articipate effectively in the life of society. However, society in Poland has a low level of trust in law, courts and judges. The Polish legal system after the transformation did not get rid of its bureaucratic character, politicised by the system of government. Moreover, respect for the rule of law, which is a model of conduct for the state administration, as anecessary minimum for its political assessment, is confronted with conflicts of policy and creates functional divisions in the sphere of implementation of the democratic nature of the rule of law.
PL
Stabilność polityczna jest kluczową kategorią w ogólnej teorii polityki oraz w analizie systemów politycznych. Wydaje się, że prawidłowe wyznaczenie zakresu semantycznego tego pojęcia oraz właściwe jego zoperacjonalizowanie ma fundamentalne znaczenie zarówno dla naukowych rozważań teoretycznych, jak i empirycznych. W tekście zwrócono uwagę na dwa zasadnicze warianty stabilności (niezmienność i elastyczność) oraz dwa podstawowe aspekty pojęcia stabilności (zjawisko i potencjał). Uporządkowanie konceptualne kwestii stabilności politycznej, poparte przeglądem literatury na ten temat, ma na celu stworzenie podstawy do sformułowania możliwie najbardziej adekwatnego podejścia do badania stabilności systemów politycznych. Celem głównym tekstu jest więc operacjonalizacja pojęcia stabilności, a ponadto wskazanie możliwych konsekwencji badawczych przyjęcia proponowanej perspektywy.
EN
Political stability is a key category in general political theory and in the analysis of political systems. The correct determination of the semantic scope of this concept and its proper operationalization seem to be of fundamental importance for both theoretical and empirical scientific considerations. The text draws attention to two basic variants of stability (invariability and flexibility) and two basic aspects of the concept of stability (phenomenon and potential). The conceptual ordering of the issue of political stability, supported by a literature review on the subject, aims to provide a basis for formulating the most adequate approach to the study of political systems stability. The main purpose of the text is therefore to operationalize the concept of stability and, moreover, to indicate the possible research consequences of adopting the proposed perspective.
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