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1

Konflikty polityczne w przestrzeni publicznej i pamięci zbiorowej

100%
Ponczek E.
Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne
|
2017
|
vol. 22
35-52
EN
Conflict provenance must be sought not only in economic conditions, but also in socio-cultural, especially civilizational, religious, ethical and historiosophical ones. Conflict analysis should depend on their pro­found explanation taking into consideration their axiological and ethical, psychological and historiosoph­ical implications. Conflicts are frequently stimulated due to presentation of various, often extreme, views and explanations of the present, rooted in historical peculiarities of distant or closer past, especially when atendency to prefer aleading role of affirmed, frequently controversial heroes, appears.
2
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Концептуалізація сучасних політичних конфліктів на прикладі російської агресії на Сході України

88%
Примуш М.
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
|
2016
|
vol. 6
292-298
EN
Article is devoted to studying of specifics of the military-political conflict in the Donetsk and Luhansk regions. The analysis is based on idea of what the classical theory of a political conflict is extremely limited approaches studying of all brinks of a political conflict. Leaving linearity and staging of political process (a phase of tension, instability, a contradiction and collision), the modern political conflict on the example of the East of Ukraine can have some unusual aspects. First of all it is informal support and the help from other state, this imposing by method of blackmail by one of participants of the conflict of own benefits in exchange for the terminations of open collisions. The conflict problem in the East of Ukraine has peculiar, poorly studied line: modeling and development of the conflict by intelligence agencies of other state. The political conflict in the East of Ukraine has no latent phase as in it is mute lines unusual for the classical conflicts are mixed: intervention of other state, informal military support of one of participants of the conflict, promotion of concrete ultimatums to authorities by the indirect participant of the conflict, mixing of electoral and political technologies (radicalism of electorate on the basis of political myths). In it is a high time in the analysis of the conflict in the East of Ukraine many experts too specifics of the organization of the political power in the Donetsk and Luhansk regions don’t join. It is first of all about the interested financial and industrial groups which in the activity have carried out synthesis of complete control over financial and economic activity of the region before direct influence on the electoral choice of his population. In view of orientation of economic contacts and mental orientations towards Russia, the political elite of the East of Ukraine in the investigation of disagreement with the movement of «Euromaidan» has appeared in a desperate situation: she has ceased to have authority among the population; wishing to keep the economic capitals, the elite as a result has lost control over a situation; and in she is a high time too I have reached oppositional position to the new power. The specified factors in the sum have led to opening of mental space for handling technologies from interested parties. Without wishing to lose from the geopolitical field Ukraine, the hybrid political conflict has also been introduced. Complexity of his studying consists in an absence factor in him two key factors: first of all latent phase and mechanism of his full permission. Instead the multistage mechanism of his suppression, but not permission is offered by politicians and scientists. The essence consists in the fact that according to «game theory» the scenario «the world in war on the terms of the winner» is offered. At the same time winners both Ukraine, and Russia equally want to see themselves. In practice it leads to the fact that any technology of permission of a political conflict in the form of negotiation process, a mediator, involvement of the third party won’t have qualitative effect. A paradox of a situation is that the parties don’t wish to go on compromises. Each of the parties by method of tightening of time expects when the second party is forced to offer a string of concessions and weakening of tension. In this context the research is also devoted to studying of the specified technologies from outside of both foreign, and domestic scientific developments.
3
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Rytualna partycypacja? Opinie Polaków o polityce i partiach politycznych

88%
Solarz R.
Political Preferences
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2013
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issue 6
13-32
EN
Poles comparatively low political activity, continued from the first competitive parliamentary election in 1991, leads to take a reflection of the voters perception of politics and political parties. The article focus on the perception of political parties in Poland and the Poles’ attitude to politics. Research has shown that the political sphere of democratic Poland separates from the social life. The activities of political parties, political conflicts and their solutions, are a phenomena that the majority of Poles do not care about. Polish political institutions and democratic procedures act in a specific social void. Poles political behavior (especially the voters one), in the period of democratic system, is characterized by high level of ritualism. This method of adaptation of the citizens of Poland to the democratic political system leads to low level of trust in political institutions.
4
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Současné politické konflikty Afrického rohu

75%
Kumsa A.
Historická sociologie (Historical Sociology)
|
2012
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vol. 1-2
49-74
EN
Violent conflict is very old in human society. The development of military technology brought with itself the worst tragedies loss of human live and material devastation in the second half of 20th century in the Horn of Africa. This region is one of the centers of various political violent conflicts in the world, according to length of these violent conflicts, the number of death of people, mainly civilian, refugees and internal displaced persons (IDP). This study elucidates the root causes of long wars in the Horn of Africa focusing mainly on South Sudan and Somalia. It also illustrates how the Super Powers during the Cold War helped their client states to prolong the suffering of people in the region. When Socialist system disappeared from Eastern Europe, Mengistu Haile Mariam's and Siyad Barre's regime ignominiously collapsed. In Ethiopia Amhara power elite, who ruled the Empire state from 1889 to 1991 lost their state power and Tigrian guerrilla fighters captured it through the power of the gun, Eritrea gained its independence from Ethiopia, South Sudan is emerging from long heinous war to independence. The violent conflict in Somalia transformed after the old regime demise in 1991 and the new leaders unable to build new central government. Somalia is fragmented and became the good example of failed state in the theory of contemporary political sociology. The paper tries to explain these complex violent conflicts in this part of Africa.
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Sukcesorzy Sejmu Wielkiego. Sejm Ustawodawczy 1919–1922: między budową nowoczesnej Polski a partykularyzmem politycznym

75%
Suleja W.
Przegląd Sejmowy
|
2019
|
issue 1(150)
255–263
EN
The article refers to the sejm elected on 26 January 1919. The parliamentary representation established on that day reflected electoral preferences of the society. The so-called Legislative Sejm was to create the systemic foundation of the renascent State — a modern foundation, suitable for the challenges of the time. The sejm comprised representatives of the intelligentsia and peasantry — those two socio-professional groups consisted 4/5 of the chamber’s composition. One of its first achievements was passing a resolution which became known as the so-called Small Constitution, which concisely regulated the most important systemic issues for the transition period, until the constitutional act is passed. Hence, the Sejm was a sovereign legislative body, closely cooperating with the Chief of State. Achievements of the Sejm comprise both social issues and matters related to the inexpedient reconstruction of the devastated state. Long-term systemic solutions aimed at modernizing the country referred to matters affecting the efficient integration process. This includes establishing the voivodeships as well as organizing the state finances (including taxes). The copestone of the reconstruction was the adoption of the Constitution of 17 March 1921. The achievements of the Legislative Sejm shall be assessed positively. It was the sejm which laid down the foundations of the renascent Republic, acting as the stabilizer, especially of the internal situation of the Polish State.
6
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Przesłanki Stanowiska Federacji Rosyjskiej i Turcji wobec Wiosny Arabskiej na przykładzie Syrii

63%
Tillo K.
Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Szczecińskiego ACTA POLITICA
|
2013
|
issue 26
103-118
EN
The Arab Spring has been a subject of many scientific researches. In this one we are trying to analyze this political phenomenon, how it could influence other regions as Turkey and Russian. It is known that Russian Federation is the only European country where the ethnic composition contains more than 20 millions of Muslims. Compared with the other European countries, the position of Russian Federation towards the Arab Spring is unique and it raises many questions. By analyzing the Russian position in contrast to the Turkish, towards the Syrian revolution, we are trying to answer the following questions: How can the Arab Spring affect the international position of Turkey and wayTurkish neo-ottoman foreign policy is threatening Russian national security? What are the threats brought on by increased influence of political Islam to the role of future Russian internal governance? What is the motivation behind a tilted attitude of Turkey and Russian puritanical position towards the Syrian revolution and what are the goals that each trying to achieve? What Russia is in exchange for the resignation of its strategic interests in Syrian? What are the prospects for the development of the situation in Syria?
PL
Arabska Wiosna a jest tematem różnych monografii naukowych. W artykule tym autor analizuje ją jako zjawisko polityczny, które oddziaływuje na takie kraje, jak Rosja i Turcja. W porównaniu z innymi krajami europejskimi stanowisko Rosji wobec Wiosny Arabskiej jest inne, ze względu na swą strukturę etniczno- religijną, ponieważ Rosję zamieszkuje ponad 20 mln muzułmanów. Porównując Rosję i Turcję do wydarzeń w Syrii, autor próbuje udzielić odpowiedzi na następujące pytania: W jaki sposób Arabska Wiosna oddziaływuje na pozycję Turcji na arenie międzynarodowej? Dlaczego polityka zagraniczna Turcji (neo-otomańska) stanowi zagrożenie dla rosyjskiego bezpieczeństwa narodowego? W jaki sposób wpływy islamu politycznego mogą oddziaływać na ład wewnętrzny Rosji? Jakie cele próbuje osiągnąć Turcja i Rosja poprzez swoje stanowisko wobec Syrii? Czego Rosja oczekuje w zamian za rezygnację ze swego stanowiska wobec Syrii? Jakie są dalsze perspektywy rozwoju sytuacji w Syrii?
7

Postawy Polaków wobec Rosjan i Ukraińców w kontekście współczesnych konfliktów politycznych

63%
Załęcki J.
Roczniki Nauk Społecznych
|
2017
|
vol. 9(45)
|
issue 2
155-175
PL
Celem niniejszego artykułu jest udzielenie odpowiedzi na pytanie: jak w ostatnim dwudziestoleciu kształtowały się postawy Polaków wobec Rosjan i Ukraińców, czy i w jakim stopniu ulegały one zmianie oraz w jakim stopniu na postawy te miały wpływ konflikty polityczne i bieżąca sytuacja na wschodzie Ukrainy. Za podstawę analizy posłużył materiał empiryczny pochodzący z badań prowadzonych corocznie przez CBOS na reprezentatywnych próbach ogólnopolskich, dotyczących deklarowanego stosunku (sympatii lub niechęci) do kilkunastu narodów, w tym do Rosjan i Ukraińców. Z badań wy-nika, że w okresie ostatnich dwudziestu lat systematycznie wzrastał odsetek Polaków deklarujących sympatię wobec Ukraińców. W ostatnich latach odnotowano także wzrost odsetka Polaków dobrze oceniających stosunki polsko-ukraińskie oraz deklarujących optymizm co do możliwości pojednania między oboma narodami. Nieco inaczej sytuacja przedstawia się w przypadku Rosji – tendencja nie ma tu charakteru liniowego. Postawy Polaków wobec Rosjan przybierają postać sinusoidy – po okresach wzrostu pozytywnych nastawień następują okresy spadku sympatii, zwłaszcza wówczas, gdy w stosunkach międzypaństwowych dochodzi do konfliktów na tle politycznym.
EN
The purpose of this article is to answer the following questions: how has the attitude of Poles to Russians and Ukrainians developed over the recent two decades? Has the attitude changed? How has it pertained to the political conflicts and the current situation in eastern Ukraine? The analysis is based on the empirical material obtained from Public Opinion Research Centre (CBOS) surveys held annually on representative national samples to ponder the declared attitudes (friendliness or reserve) to a dozen or so nations, including Russians and Ukrainians. The surveys reveal that the percent of the Poles declaring friendly feelings towards Ukrainians has grown steadily over the recent twenty years. Over the last years too, the percent of the Poles who share a positive view of Polish-Ukrainian relations and declare optimism about a chance for reconciliation between the two nations has also been recorded to go up. The situation is somewhat different in the case of Russia – here the tendency is not linear. The attitudes of Poles towards Russians change sinusoidally – periods when the percent of positive attitudes is on the rise are interspersed with periods of dwindling friendliness, especially when conflicts of political nature develop in the mutual relationships between the states.
8
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Kwestia językowa a kształtowanie się politycznej mapy Europy i świata. Tendencje ogólne i najnowsze zmiany

63%
Szul R., Warszawski U., Uniwersytet Warszawski I. A. i. E.
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Geographica Socio-Oeconomica
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2014
|
issue 17
PL
Historię Europy i świata można przedstawić jako historię relacji między terytorium państwa a obszarem językowym. Poza najwcześniejszym okresem państw plemiennych Europę i świat cechowała niezależność państwa i języka – na terytorium państwa mó- wiono wieloma językami, te same języki były używane w wielu państwach, na tym samym terytorium używano różnych języków w różnych funkcjach. W późniejszych okresach następuje upraszczanie sytuacji językowej – dopasowywanie języka do terytorium i dopasowywanie terytorium do języka, redukcja liczby języków sfery publicznej. Proces ten najintensywniejszy przebieg miał w Europie w epoce nowoczesności i nacjonalizmu (ok. 1800–1950, na części obszaru Europy również później do dnia dzisiejszego). Towarzyszyły temu konflikty polityczne wewnątrz poszczególnych państw i międzypaństwowe zmieniające radykalnie mapę polityczną kontynentu. W efekcie w Europie istnieje niemal idealna sytuacja, gdzie każde państwo ma swój własny język i każdy język ma swoje państwo. Poza Europą podobne procesy zachodzą, w wolniejszym tempie, w większości krajów Azji, gdzie każde państwo ma swój główny język. W Azji jednak nie miało miejsca dopasowywanie terytorium państwa do obszarów językowych. W krajach postkolonialnych w Ameryce, Afryce (poza arabskimi), Oceanii i Azji (Indie, Singapur) cechą charakterystyczną jest to, że językiem państwowym jest język dawnej metropolii kolonialnej. W państwach arabskich dziedzictwo kolonialne powoduje istnienie tych państw i określa ich granice, jednak nacjonalizm arabski jest na tyle silny, by sprawić, że językiem tych państw jest wspólny język arabski.
EN
The history of Europe and the world can be presented as a history of the relations between territory of states and language areas. Except for the earliest period of tribal states Europe and the world were characterised by independence of state and language – on the territory of a state several languages were spoken, the same languages were used in several states, on the same territory several languages were used in various functions. In later periods simplification of language situation took place – adjustment of language to state territory and adjustment of state territory to language, reduction of the number of languages in the public sphere. This process was the most intense in Europe in the period of modernity and nationalism (ca. 1800–1950, on a part of Europe’s territory also later, to present day). It was accompanied by political conflicts within individual states and between states dramatically changing the political map the continent. As a result, in Europe there is almost ideal situation where each state has its own language and each language has its own state. Outside Europe similar processes, although with a weaker pace, occur also in most countries of Asia where each country has its own main language. In Asia, contrary to Europe, there has not been adjustment of state territory to language areas. In postcolonial countries of America, Africa (outside Arab countries), Oceania and Asia (India, Singapore) the main language adjusted to state territory is a language of a former metropolis. In Arab countries the colonial heritage causes the very existence of these states and determines their boundaries but the Arab nationalism is strong enough to make Arabic the common language of these states.
9

Psychologiczne podstawy konfliktów społecznych: wokół dyspozycyjnych i sytuacyjnych mechanizmów wrogości i uprzedzeń

51%
Ścigaj P.
Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne
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2017
|
vol. 22
108-134
EN
The aim of the paper is to discuss main theories explaining the psychological basis of social and political conflicts, especially causes of intergroup bias and prejudice. Theories of authoritarianism and social dom­inance orientation are discussed referring dispositional causes of intergroup bias and prejudice, while real­istic conflict group theory, social identity theory and system-justification theory are called for explaining situational determinants of intergroup bias and prejudice. Evolutionary aspects of hostility and aggression in social and political conflicts are also debated.
10

Teoria polityki w badaniach profesora Andrzeja Czajowskiego

45%
Jabłoński A. W., Sobkowiak L.
Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne
|
2019
|
vol. 27
7-20
EN
Professor Andrzej Czajowski, an academic scholar and lecturer at the University of Wroclaw, conducted interdisciplinary scientific research in many fields of political science. His main field of interest was political theory. The subjects of his research were, inter alia, the nature of politics and political aspects of other social phenomena, the relations between political power, decisions, actions, agents and structures. Professor Czajowski conducted interdisciplinary research from the perspectives of political theory, political psychology and law. His main contribution to empirical and analytical political theory was the development of a new understanding of different academic concepts in political science, such as politics, power, political decisions and political activity. In the published books and research papers professor Czajowski has developed new meanings of key political science concepts, such as politics, power, political action, political decisions, political attitudes, political conflicts and political thought. His academic works have enriched the language of political science and political theory by adding new classifications and typologies, and contributed to a better understanding of the complexity of politics.
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