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1
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М. Муравьев и М. Катков в оптике польской прессы 2-ой половины ХIX в. На основании корпуса архивных материалов 2-ой газетной експедиции МИД и «ПШЕГЛОНДА ПОЛЬСКОГО»

100%
Радун А.
Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski
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2011
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vol. 2
109-119
EN
Considerable interest to determine the origin of the formation of a negative stereotype of Russia in the Polish social consciousness in the 19th century is represented by the ratio of Polish conservative and liberal-democratic periodicals describing the government of the Russian empire, its Council of Ministers and public figures. Activities of such men as A. Gorchakov, D. Milutin, F. Berg were subject to severe criticism. The Polish press showed particular hostility in relation to M. Muravyov and M. Katkov. Each word of these two prominent representatives of their times was sharply criticised. Their actions were valued by the Russian government, so it was concluded they did not like Poles. In the Polish press these two names were mentioned more often than other public figures. Every step of the Russian government, which Poles considered to be violent policy of “moskalization”, was explained with socio-political activity of Muraviev who was given a popular nickname of the “hangman”, and publicist Katkov was called in the Polish press as “obscurantism”. These two men were more or less equally responsible for forming a negative image of Russia and Russians in the Polish press. All the negative aspects inherent in the Muscovite cumulate in the persons of Muravyov and Katkov. The issue of building pejorative image of the Russian public and political figures in the Polish press is still waiting to be researched. In our view, the actions of the Russian government and Russian press had a marked influence on the appearance of the image, then became the collective image of the Russian people from the Polish point of view.
2
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Zagrożenie radzieckie w publicystyce Stanisława Cata-Mackiewicza okresu II wojny światowej

100%
Żerko S.
Przegląd Zachodni
|
2016
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issue 1(358)
173-192
EN
The Soviet threat in the journalism of Stanisław Cat-Mackiewicz during the Second World War
3
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Obraz wizyty Prezydenta Federacji Rosyjskiej Dmitrija Miedwiediewa w Polsce 6–7 grudnia 2010 roku w oczach polskiej opinii publicznej

88%
Anculewicz Z.
Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski
|
2012
|
vol. 3
193-202
EN
The visit of the president of Russion Federation, Dmitrij Miedwiediew, to Poland on December 6 and 7, 2010 became not only an important diplomatic event, but foremost an important and major step forward to improve Polish-Russian relationships. This meeting came eight years since the visit of President Vladimir Putin in 2002. Press, radio, public and commercial television broadly high-lighted the events surrounding this visit. From a public relations perspective by objective observers this visit had almost a byzantine character. Exaggerated displays of Russian and Polish flags, broad smiles by both presidents, enthusiastic hand shaking and warm friendship to photojournalists aimed to convince the world and Polish public opinion, that Polish-Russian relations were on the doorstep of entering a new era. Statements by Polish politicians as well as many mainstream journalists, were focused on the “emotional-protocol sphere” of this visit, as well its role to neutralize in Poland the permanent “Russo phobia” or “anti-Russian stigmata”. It was also noted that contemporary Poland and Russia is bound together by gas, oil and the atom. The visit of the Russian president in Warsaw, at its conclusion, was accepted as a success by influential opinion forming circles in Warsaw whose voice is “Gazeta Wyborcza”.
4
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Być politykiem, być publicystą – o Janie Marii Rokicie na wybranych przykładach

88%
Mroziński J.
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2012
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vol. 17
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issue 3
62-77
EN
This article attempts to compare Jan Maria Rokita’s talks between 1989 and 2007, the period of his active participation in politics, and the theses which he posed as a journalist. This is meant to help answer the question about the extent of the evolution of the would-be Prime Minister’s views in relation to the Polish situation. The analysis is devoted to media information referring to Jan Rokita’s utterances and his 66 comments, which were published between 1 September, 2008 and 31 August, 2009 on dziennik.pl.
5
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Antisemitská publicistika Romana Dmowského ve 30. letech 20. století

75%
Kadlec J.
Moderní dějiny: sborník k dějinám 19. a 20. století (Modern History: Studies into 19th and 20th century history)
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2019
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vol. 27
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issue 2
203-233
EN
This study looks at antisemitism in the works of Roman Dmowski, a noted politician and ideologue of Polish nationalism. He wrote a number of books and articles at the end of his political career which influenced a section of Polish society, in particular the generation of young radical nationalists. During this period (the 1930s), these included in particular The World after War and Poland (1931), The Coup (1933) and the novel Heritage (1933). In these works, Dmowski fleshed out his antisemitic ideas and positions, which involved a global Zionist conspiracy and “demonisation” of the Jews. In this work, I have endeavoured to analyse and describe in detail Dmowski’s antisemitism in order to highlight the malign influence it may have had on Polish-Jewish relations during the period of the rise of fascism and Nazism in Europe.
DE
Die 30iger Jahre des vorigen Jahrhunderts zeichneten sich durch eine Zunahme radikaler Meinungen in ganz Europa aus, Polen nicht ausgenommen. Eine dieser Ideen war ein immer radikalerer Antisemitismus. Zur Hauptfigur der antijüdischen Anschauungen in Polen wurde der Politiker Roman Dmowski, in dessen Veröffentlichungen der Antisemitismus von Anfang an auftauchte. Im Unterschied zu früheren Zeiten radikalisierte sich in den dreißiger Jahren seine Haltung auf ein nie dagewesenes Niveau. In seinen Texten voller Hass auf die Juden dämonisierte er den jüdischen Einfluss auf die polnische und europäische Zivilisation und scheute sich sogar nicht, die rassistische Terminologie zu verwenden. Nur war Dmowski in den 30iger Jahren immer noch der wichtigste Politiker der polnischen Rechten und ein Vorbild der nationalistischen Jugend. Seine Artikel und Publikationen beeinflussten wahrscheinlich die radikale Jugend und trugen, wenn nicht zur Unmöglichkeit eines polnisch-jüdischen Zusammenlebens, so doch ganz sicherlich zu dessen Verschlechterung bei. Die jungen Radikalen liehen nämlich in diesem Fall Dmowski sehr bereitwillig ihr Ohr und mitunter übertrafen sie ihn sogar.
6
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Problem realizacji praw wyborczych kobiet w Polsce międzywojennej: debata na łamach prasy dla katoliczek

75%
Maj E.
Przegląd Sejmowy
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2022
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issue 2(169)
127–150
EN
The women’s right to vote was recognised by the Second Polish Republic in 1918. That led to certain changes in the politics of the country. The Catholic women’s press played a major role in examining what was influencing female voters. There were two points of interest for political journalism: 1) the justification of women’s right to political equality by showing Polish women as heroines throughout the Polish history; 2) popularisation of women’s right to vote. Readers were encouraged to learn how Polish women gained voting experience. The press was particularly interested in Catholic female Members of the Polish Parliament and deputies for the Silesian Sejm. The debate itself was repeating the patterns of the patriarchal system and the archetype of the Polish Mother and the Polish-Catholic woman. Thus, they were shown as defenders of the traditional way of doing politics, assuring that after gaining the suffrage the Polish women would vote for the Catholic National political parties.
7
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The image of the “Russian hacker” and cyberphobia of the “digital environment”

71%
Sidorov V. A.
Przegląd Politologiczny
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2020
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issue 4
107-114
PL
„Środowisko cyfrowe” postrzegane jest jako nowa sytuacja w świadomości politycznej społeczeństwa, a także źródło ksenofobii w polityce. W kontekście niepewności politycznej na świecie dziennikarstwo staje się narzędziem szerzenia cyberfobii – nowego rodzaju społecznego strachu. Cyberfobia rozumiana jest jako naturalna reakcja świadomości społecznej na nasilenie się nowych rodzajów przestępstw przeciwko jednostce i społeczeństwu z wykorzystaniem technologii „cyfrowych.” Nowa rzeczywistość informacyjna z góry określiła cyberzagrożenia, które pojawiły się w mediach, prowadzące do najgroźniejszej fobii społecznej. To na przykład łączy się z ideą „rosyjskiego hakera” i jego personifikacją jako świata Zła.
EN
The “digital environment” is perceived as a new situation in the political consciousness of the society, as well as a source of xenophobia in politics. In the context of political uncertainty in the world, journalism is becoming a vehicle for spreading cyberphobia – a new type of social fear. Cyberphobia is understood as a natural reaction of public consciousness to the intensification of new types of crimes against the individual and society with the use of “digital” technologies. The new informational reality has predetermined cyberthreats that appeared in the media leading to the most dangerous social phobia. This, for instance, has been combined with the idea of the “Russian hacker” and his personification as the world Evil.
8
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Problematyka czynnego i biernego prawa wyborczego kobiet w wyborach do Sejmu Ustawodawczego w świetle publicystyki politycznej II Rzeczypospolitej (listopad 1918 r.–styczeń 1919 r.)

63%
Kacperski K.
Przegląd Sejmowy
|
2019
|
issue 5(154)
5–28
EN
The issue of suffrage in the elections to the Legislative Sejm evoked interest in newspapers published at the territory of the renascent Polish State. Both the legislative works were reported, conducted at the order of Chief of State Józef Piłsudski by the government of Jędrzej Morawiecki, and individual legal solutions, included in the electoral ordinance of 28 November 1918, were analyzed. Indubitably, the greatest controversies were raised by the issue of regulating the principle of franchise universality. Ultimately, majority of participants of the discussion — even if they had earlier distanced themselves from the program ideas publicly popularized by Moraczewski and Piłsudski — supported the decision on vesting women with both active and passive suffrage in the elections to the Sejm. An important role in this discussion was played by representatives of women’s organizations. They published articles, where attention was drawn to those aspects of franchise and right to stand for election that had been ignored by participants of the discussion. Thus, a systemic debate initiated at the origins of the Second Republic gained a deeper and innovative character and went down in the history of post-partition independent Poland.
9
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Wątpliwości wokół konstytucyjności sankcji karnych i administracyjno-karnych za naruszenie przepisów o ochronie danych osobowych

63%
Kacperski K.
Przegląd Sejmowy
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2019
|
issue 5(154)
29–52
XX
The issue of suffrage in the elections to the Legislative Sejm evoked interest in newspapers published at the territory of the renascent Polish State. Both the legislative works were reported, conducted at the order of Chief of State Józef Piłsudski by the government of Jędrzej Morawiecki, and individual legal solutions, included in the electoral ordinance of 28 November 1918, were analyzed. Indubitably, the greatest controversies were raised by the issue of regulating the principle of franchise universality. Ultimately, majority of participants of the discussion — even if they had earlier distanced themselves from the program ideas publicly popularized by Moraczewski and Piłsudski — supported the decision on vesting women with both active and passive suffrage in the elections to the Sejm. An important role in this discussion was played by representatives of women’s organizations. They published articles, where attention was drawn to those aspects of franchise and right to stand for election that had been ignored by participants of the discussion. Thus, a systemic debate initiated at the origins of the Second Republic gained a deeper and innovative character and went down in the history of post-partition independent Poland.
10
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Fronda. Rozłam w Stowarzyszeniu PAX w 1955 roku. (Geneza – przebieg – konsekwencje)

63%
Sikorski T.
|
2018
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vol. 50
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issue 1
PL
Artykuł stanowi próbę wielopłaszczyznowego ukazania podłoża wewnątrzśrodowiskowego konfliktu w Stowarzyszeniu PAX, który w 1955 r. doprowadził do poważnego w skutkach rozłamu. W pierwszej części tekstu skoncentrowano uwagę na genezie grupy, która opuści PAX. W drugiej części artykułu dokonano analizy procesu wewnętrznej dekompozycji Stowarzyszenia PAX, który doprowadził do opuszczenia jego szeregów przez tzw. frondę. Omówiono zarówno podstawowe źródła konfliktu, jak też przebieg wewnętrznego sporu, z uwzględnieniem optyki dwóch stron konfliktu. The article is an attempt at multi-faceted presentation of the underlying causes of the internal conflict within the PAX Association, which in 1955 led to a split with serious consequences. The first part focuses on the origins of the group which would leave PAX. The second part is and analysis of the process of internal decomposition of the PAX Association, which led the so-called Fronde to leave its ranks. The text discusses both the basic causes of the conflict, and its internal course, seen from the both sides.
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Ewolucja ideowo-polityczna Stowarzyszenia PAX w okresie pierwszych miesięcy „karnawału Solidarności” (sierpień–grudzień 1980)

45%
Sikorski T.
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
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2017
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vol. 54
99-136
EN
This paper presents political and ideological evolution of PAX Association in the early months of the so-called “Carnival of Solidarność [Solidarity]” (August–December 1980). It concentrates on basic assumptions of ideology and program of progressive Catholics’ movement under continuous leadership of Bolesław Piasecki until the end of World War II and on their modifications after his death. It also focuses on the concept of “socialism of the whole nation”, promoted by the Association, self-government, democratization, widening of the so-called “government base”, and development of common ground for national consensus (from the National Agreement Movement to the Great Coalition). It analyses relationships between PAX Association, independent trade unions (NSZZ “Solidarność”) and government apparatus. According to PAX’s program, “Solidarność” was not just a typical trade union, but a social, nation-wide movement for reclaiming of civil laws. Therefore it was supposed to participate in decision making at government level as an independent being, this creating a new “vertical axis” of state structures. During the period of “Carnival of Solidarność” many PAX members joined independent trade unions. The Association contributed significantly to establishment of trade union structures.
PL
W prezentowanym artykule omówiona została ewolucja ideowo-polityczna Stowarzyszenia PAX w pierwszych miesiącach tzw. „festiwalu Solidarności” (sierpień–grudzień 1980). Przedstawiono podstawowe założenia ideologii i programu ruchu katolików postępowych w okresie, gdy kierował nim nieprzerwanie do zakończenia II wojny światowej Bolesław Piasecki, i ich rewizję po jego śmierci. Skoncentrowano się zwłaszcza na lansowanych przez stowarzyszenie koncepcjach „socjalizmu całego narodu”, samorządności, demokratyzacji, poszerzenia „bazy rządzenia”, wypracowania płaszczyzn do porozumienia narodowego (od Ruchu Porozumienia Narodowego do Wielkiej Koalicji). Analizie poddano również relacje pomiędzy PAX a niezależnymi związkami zawodowymi (NSZZ „Solidarność) oraz aparatem partyjno-rządowym. W programie PAX „Solidarność” nie była typowym związkiem zawodowym, ale społecznym (ogólnonarodowym) ruchem rewindykacji praw obywatelskich, dlatego przewidywano, że powinien on uczestniczyć jako podmiot w podejmowaniu decyzji państwowych, tworząc nową „oś pionową” struktur państwowych. W okresie „festiwali Solidarności” z niezależnymi związkami zawodowymi związało się wielu członków PAX. Stowarzyszenie włączyło się czynnie w pomoc przy zakładaniu struktur związkowych.
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