Full-text resources of CEJSH and other databases are now available in the new Library of Science.
Visit https://bibliotekanauki.pl

Results found: 15

first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last

Search results

Search:
in the keywords:  political linguistics
help Sort By:

help Limit search:
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
EN
The article presents one of the types of rhetorical mechanisms used in political discourse – the question and answer method. The question and answer method is a rhetorical device in which the speaker asks a question and formulates his answer to it. The material for research is based on the official public texts of utterances made by contemporary Russian politicians: Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin, Dmitry Anatolyevich Medvedev, Vladimir Volfovich Zhirinovsky and Gennady Andreyevich Zyuganov. Definitions of the question-answering method are provided and the main functions of this phenomenon are given. The analysis shows that the question-answering method helps politicians to persuade society. It can be concluded that this rhetorical device serves to establish contact with the audience, to draw attention to information, to make the speeches of politicians dynamic, expressive and emotional. The most important thing, however, is that the question-answering method leads to the type of solution proposed by the politician that is desirable for the consideration of problems. The linguistic material has shown that this is an actively used method in the political discourse of contemporary Russia.
EN
The subject of the article is the use of language and linguistic aspects of social behavior within the protest discourses that took place after the results of the presidential elections in Belarus were falsified in August 2020. The author considers the concept of protest discourse, referring to scientific literature and comparing its interpretation by various researchers. The analysis of around 500 posters, chosen from the corpus of a first month of Belarusian numerous and various protesting activities, is focused on both rhetoric and language means of protesting communicative actions, namely on lexical nomination and code switching, wordplay and structural modifications, neologisms, paronomasia, irony, graphic operations and others, which, in the format of peaceful demonstrations (on behand of the demonstrators) actualizes the features of carnivalization and the acratic type of discourse.
EN
The article presents arguments to the norm in the discourse of V. V. Putin and D. A. Medvedev. Such arguments appeal to the norm, custom, rule as the criterion of the correctness of judgments. The material for research is served by the official speeches made by Russian political leaders, and which cover the period from 2014 to 2016. The author gives the examples of examined arguments and analyzes norms, standards to which Russian politicians are referring. The article also stresses the functions of arguments to the norm in the political texts of V. V. Putin and D. A. Medvedev. The paper shows that both Russian leaders appeal to international law, Russian legislation, public practice and economic rules as to the norms justifying the thesis. Therefore Putin and Medvedev build the image of politicians who pay attention to principles of public life. The main purpose of these arguments is to function as unarguable facts and persuade voters to accept decisions discussed.
EN
Any communicational grammar may be viewed as a linguistic study concerned with rules responsible for efficient communication, and can be used as a tool for researching almost any issue that falls under the term political linguistics-a sub-field of linguistics which analyzes how ideologies are put into service to legitimate power and inequality. From the linguistic point of view we would perceive discourse to be a dynamic and changing phenomenon, profoundly rooted in its nonverbal context. The core of any discourse is established by particular texts formed by their speaker/writer. The meaning of the texts and their decoding by the hearer/reader seems to depend to a great extent not only on the cognitive processes that take place in the mind of the information receiver but also on the contextual embeddings which are: a) the situational embedding, that is where the text is produced (here: in what type of co-texts the text is situated); b) the social embedding, that is within what social group the text is produced (here: to what type of readers the text is directed to); and c) the cultural embedding, which is apparently the most difficult to grasp, for it directly translates into what we understand under the nebulous term culture (here: what is the cultural preparation of readers who are going to receive the text). The cultural embedding of texts should be held responsible for the projected associations it may induce in the receiver of textual messages and at the same time types of nonverbal cultural scripts and schemata that are supposed to accompany a verbal text. In light of the above, a model in which one has certain verbal texts that trigger certain socially and culturally specific behaviors can be called the communicational grammar of a particular discourse.
EN
Propaganda as a scientific term for Polish political linguisticsThe purpose of the article is to provide definitions of the concept propaganda and to explain the reasons for its controversial status as a scientific term describing contemporary political texts. In lexicographic works and in the literature in the field of political linguistics, propaganda is not understood unambiguously. Polish researchers define propaganda as the spreading of some views, particular political beliefs or attitudes, as well as attempts to influence behaviour by means of persuasive and/or manipulative nature. Propaganda has negative connotations associated with its flourishing in authoritarian regimes, where it was accompanied by censorship and government control of the mass media. In Polish political linguistics, the analyzed phenomenon refers predominantly to the socialist language, but polemical voices are also heard, emphasizing the inherent entanglement of politics and propaganda and the presence of propaganda in democratic regimes, where it serves the purposes of gaining and retaining power. The term propaganda is thus not neutral and as such, according to the author, should not be used as a scientific term. Propaganda jako termin naukowy polskiej politolingwistykiCelem artykułu jest przedstawienie definicji pojęcia propaganda i wyjaśnienie powodów jego dyskusyjnego statusu jako terminu naukowego określającego współczesne teksty polityczne. W opracowaniach leksykograficznych oraz w literaturze z zakresu politolingwistyki propaganda nie jest rozumiana jednoznacznie. Polscy badacze definiują propagandę jako upowszechnianie G. Dudek-Waligóra Propaganda jako termin naukowy polskiej politolingwistyki 24 jakichś poglądów, postaw czy idei, a także jako wywieranie wpływu, którym towarzyszą środki natury perswazyjnej lub/i manipulacyjnej. Propaganda ma negatywne konotacje związane z jej rozkwitem w systemach totalitarnych, gdzie towarzyszyły jej cenzura i rządowy monopol na środki masowego przekazu. Omawiane zjawisko na gruncie polskiej politolingwistyki odnosi się przede wszystkim do języka socjalistycznego, ale istnieją również głosy polemiczne, wskazujące na nierozerwalność polityki i propagandy oraz na obecność propagandy w ustroju demokratycznym, w którym służy ona zdobyciu i utrzymaniu władzy. Termin propaganda nie jest więc neutralny, dlatego zdaniem autorki nie powinien być terminem naukowym stosowanym dla nazywania bieżących wypowiedzi polityków.
EN
The purpose of the article is to show the evolution of the concepts of “figure”, “image” and “reputation” in the Russian language in the last fifty years, to analyze their use in modern political discourse. The corpus study on the material of modern political journalism, showed that “image”, the emotionally affecting perception of a person, does not always coincide with the “figure” as the type or character associated with the speaker. Content-analysis of the use of lexemes imidzh, obraz, reputatsiya showed that in the semantic plan they influenced each other, becoming synonyms in various meanings. The semantic evolution of the word imidzh went from an impression of appearance to stereotypical ideas that can be appreciated by society. The “figure”, judging by the Russian National Corpus data, today looks more like a “role” in a film or a play, responding to the theatricalization of the political process. An analysis of the speeches of the president, the prime minister of the country, regional rulers, deputies, and opposition leaders reveals the “masks” of the Grate-Powerman and Patriot, People’s Chosen, Ordinary Man, Strong Man (Powerful Hand), Debater, Distressor, and some others, used as an element of a discursive strategy.
EN
The article is considering condition of Ukrainian language in contemporary sociopolitical situation in Ukraine. This problem is presently one of the biggest importance, especially if we realize that Ukraine is so much culturally and nationalistically diversified country. For over 130 nationalities living in Ukraine only Polish people adopts Ukrainian language as its mother tongue. The rest prefers Russian. Russian language is also dominant in media and mass culture and with its visibility and popularity, especially at certain territories makes at present a big political issue. For that reason State’s authorities must act to promote usage of Ukrainian language and to prevent ideas of adopting Russian language as an second official language in the country as legal bilingual nature of the country would cause death of the Ukrainian language. Ukrainian language is then introduced as the only language allowed in the official, public sphere, as well as in education, and theoretically also in media. The later is not yet enforced in reality. The legal superiority of the Ukrainian language is not able to constrain people to speak the language they desire, so Russian is still strong as a daily language of the huge masses of Ukrainians, rooting them out of their identity and national culture.
EN
The paper presents an anthropolinguistic study of Donald Trump’s 2020 presidential campaign discourse. The study can be situated within the scope of political linguistics. The interdisciplinary method of research applied here rests upon the understanding of human communication functioning in terms of communicational grammars of specific discourses that comprise rules of language use set against the background of immediate contexts of use. The key idea underbracing this study is that language is a rule-governed, conventions-based system of practice (e.g., de Saussure [1916] 2011, Sapir 1921, Hymes 1972, Saville–Troike [1982] 2003, Lucy [1996] 1999) and a conventional type of performance which allows for building a nexus of typified relations. Another overarching goal of this paper is to show that human interaction is mostly both a structurally hardwired and functionally (pragmatically) driven linguistic practice. The analysis sets out to explore Donald Trump’s texts according to the Anthropolinguistic Model of Communication (AMC) (Strukowska 2022) as a pattern recognition model that provides a contextual overview of elements of communication and functions as a solid platform for documenting discursive practices (Chruszczewski 2011: 199–263).
PL
Głównym celem tekstu jest ukazanie funkcjonalnego wymiaru rytuałów politycznych związanych z obchodami rocznic zbrodni katyńskiej w latach 1990–2010. Dzięki przeprowadzonej metodą semantyczno-pragmatyczną analizie zawartości treści doniesień medialnych towarzyszących obchodom katyńskim, omówione zostały funkcje, które pełnił rytuał katyński w polskiej kulturze pamięci od 1990 do 2010 roku, takie jak funkcja emocjonalna, normatywna, legitymizacyjna, integracyjna, edukacyjna czy performatywna. Ponadto zaaplikowanie teorii traumy kulturowej umożliwiło analizę mitu założycielskiego, wskazywanego przez polityków w trakcie przemówień rocznicowych, wiążącego się z kłamstwem i prawdą o zbrodni katyńskiej. Zauważony w narracji katyńskiej przymus powtarzania, dotyczący walki z zakłamywaniem historii, odniesiony został do traumy spowodowanej damnatio memoriae, związanej z początkami chrześcijaństwa. W kontekście tych spostrzeżeń, w ramach rozważań na temat funkcji performatywnej, przeanalizowane zostało, obecne w dyskursie rocznicowym po katastrofie prezydenckiego samolotu lecącego na obchody 70. rocznicy zbrodni, zjawisko znane jako „drugi Katyń”.
EN
The main goal of the research is to show the functional dimension of the political rituals associated with the celebrations of the Katyń massacre anniversaries in 1990-2010. Using the method of political linguistics, the study makes it possible to identify ten topoi organizing the Katyń anniversary discourse. They include the topos of “an innocent victim”, “violated justice”, “compensation”, “fair Russians”, “friends Muscovites”, “elite”, as well as the topos of “a shared field of remembrance, reconciliation” (“from foes to friends”), the topos of mutual forgiveness and the anniversary as a special occasion, or the topos of “inhuman land”. The pragmatic-semantic analysis of the contents of media reports accompanying the Katyń celebrations allows the author to show a number of functions that the Katyń ritual performed in the Polish culture of remembrance in 1990–2010. The study of functions proceeds from emotional, through normative, legitimization, integration and educational functions, to the performative function.
DE
Die vorliegende Studie reiht sich in die politolinguistische onomasiologische Forschung ein. Das Ziel des Beitrags ist, die Bedeutungen der Wörter in einer synonymischen Reihe zu untersuchen, unterschiedliche semantische Merkmale der Wörter zu identifizieren, und Arten der verwendeten Synonyme festzustellen. Ich sehe es als notwendig, semantische Schattierungen der Wörter zu erläutern, damit sie im Migrationsdiskurs korrekt gebraucht werden können. Im vorliegenden Beitrag erforsche ich die onomasiologische Vielfalt der Bezeichnungen für den Begriff Flüchtling im Migrationsdiskurs. Als Erhebungsmethode wird Recherche und Dokumentenanalyse der oben genannten Materialquellen benutzt. Als Aufbereitungsmethode werden Fixierung, Datenselektion und Strukturierung ausgewählt. Als Auswertungsmethode ist in der ersten Linie Diskursanalyse.
EN
This onomasiological study is a political linguistic research, in which meanings of different words in a synonymic row are examined. Various semantic features of these words are identified, and different types of synonyms are found. It is necessary to explain semantic connotations of the words so that they could be used correctly in the migration discourse. In this research, I study the onomasiological diversity of designations for the term Flüchtling in migration discourse. The survey methods are research and document analysis of the material sources. Fixing, data selection and structuring are chosen as a preparation method. The discourse analysis, used as an evaluation method, is an interdisciplinary research approach that, due to its variety of methods, is suitable for the study of meaning constructions depending on different contexts.
DE
Reichsbürger bestreiten die staatliche Existenz der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. In der jüngeren Vergangenheit ist diese politische Gruppe immer wieder mit Straftaten aufgefallen. Der Beitrag untersucht, ob sich die Gewaltaffinität der Reichsbürger auch in ihren Texten nachweisen lässt. Dazu wird auf der Grundlage eines Korpus von reichsbürgerlichen Internet-Texten Gewalt-Lexik identifiziert. Ferner werden diese Texte auf charakteristische Diskurse hin untersucht. Dabei zeigt sich, dass Gewalt-Diskurse eine wichtige Rolle für die reichsbürgerliche Identitätsstiftung spielen. Zugleich kann man aber auch feststellen, dass der Schwerpunkt für die Reichsbürger dabei auf der eigenen Opferperspektive liegt, während die Heraushebung der eigenen Gewaltbereitschaft eine eher untergeordnete Rolle spielt.
EN
Reich citizens deny the existence of the Federal Republic of Germany. In the recent past, this political group has repeatedly struck with crime. The article examines whether the violence affinity of the Reich citizens can also be demonstrated in their texts. For this purpose, a lexicon of violence is identified on the basis of a corpus of Internet texts of the Reich citizens. Furthermore, these texts are examined for characteristic discourses. It can be shown that violent discourses play an important role in the empowerment of Reich citizens’ identity. At the same time, however, it can also be stated that the focus for the Reich citizens is on their own victim perspective, while the emphasis on their own readiness for violence plays a rather subordinate role.
EN
The article deals with the examples of communicative manipulation in the news services of the Russian Internet by means of fragmentation of the journalistic text. News presentation has a multi-stage, modular nature, and the individual modules (a kind of genre clones) differ in their content: the most generalized, axiologically and pragmatically labeled at the level of header, lid and announcement, more concrete filled with factual information at the level of the summary and the full text. Text fragmentation implements several functions: 1) perceptual and mnemonic; 2) prolongation of the communicative contact; 3) locating (opening space for accompanying, usually commerce information); 4) ideological programming/design.
PL
Populizm, zwłaszcza w sferze polityki stanowi polidyscyplinarny problem badawczy, występuje bowiem nie tylko w naukach społecznych, lecz również językoznawstwie. Jego wieloaspektowy ogląd wpływa na niejednoznaczność semantyczną, brak jednej definicji. Jej ustalenie staje się kluczowe dla badań interdyscyplinarnych, gdyż pozwoli określić zakres badanego zjawiska. Taką możliwość daje syndromatyczne rozumienie populizmu oraz zwrócenie uwagi na jego przejawianie się na różnych poziomach dyskursu politycznego, obejmującym zarówno wykładniki językowe, jak i relacje nadawczo-odbiorcze czy kreowaną w obrębie tego dyskursu specyficzną wizją świata. Przyjęcie zatem w badaniach metodologii kognitywnej stanowi jedną z perspektyw badawczych pozwalających na charakterystykę dyskursu populistycznego, dającą możliwość spojrzenia interdyscyplinarnego, w tym politolingwistycznego.
EN
Populism is a multi-disciplinary research issue, especially as politics is concerned, present both in the social sciences and linguistics. Examined from different angles, it exhibits its semantic ambiguity and lack of a single definition. It is essential for cross-disciplinary studies to determine the definition of populism, which will also make it possible to determine the scope of the phenomenon under research. Such a possibility is ensured by the syndromized understanding of populism and by taking into account its manifestations on different levels of political discourse, including linguistic exponents, sender-recipient relations and a specific image of the world created within the framework of this discourse. The application of cognitive methodology in studies offers one of many research perspectives allowing populist discourse to be characterized from an interdisciplinary perspective, including a political-linguistic approach.
PL
Badanie tekstów przynależnych do odmiany retorycznej dawnej komunikacji politycznej wymaga nawiązywania do innych niż językoznawstwo dyscyplin nauki. Uprawianie omawianego w artykule obszaru badań pozwala na łączenie narzędzi wypracowanych w ramach językoznawstwa i nauk politycznych, dlatego ów obszar określa się też mianem lingwistyki politycznej (politolingwistyki). Pomocne jest również ujęcie socjolingwistyczne, czerpiące inspirację z nauk socjologicznych i traktujące teksty powstałe w ramach działalności politycznej jako świadectwo socjolektu szlachty. Czytelne zależności ujawniają się poza tym między specyfiką ustroju I Rzeczpospolitej i obowiązującym w niej systemem wartości a ideą przemawiania, która jest manifestacją wolności szlacheckiej. Zjawiska komunikacyjne w tym wypadku znajdują uzasadnienie w naukach historycznych. Ponadto rozwój badań korpusowych oraz przyrastający zasób zdygitalizowanych tekstów powstałych przed 1795 rokiem stwarza okazję do wykorzystywania narzędzi językoznawstwa statystycznego oraz stylometrii.
EN
Linguistics proves insufficient in researching texts that represent the rhetoric variety of former political communication. The study of the area discussed in the article requires a combination of scientific tools developed by linguistics and political sciences; therefore the area in question is referred to as political linguistics. A sociolinguistic approach is also helpful here as it draws on sociological sciences and treats the texts that result from political activity as an evidence of the sociolect of the nobility. Additionally, one may observe various links between the specific character of the political system of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, including the binding value system, and the idea of public speeches – a manifestation of the nobility’s freedom. The development of corpus research and the constantly growing digitalised repository of pre-1795 texts offer an opportunity to implement the tools of static linguistics and stylometry.
PL
W artykule, na przykładzie wyborów samorządowych przeprowadzonych w 2020 r., w Obwodzie Lwowskim, przeprowadzono analizę lingwistyczną komunikacji wyborczej Partii Sługa Narodu. Badanie zrealizowano w oparciu o metodologię stosowaną przez lingwistykę polityczną. Przeprowadzona analiza pozwala na stwierdzenie, że w czasie komunikacji wyborczej omawiania w tekście partia skorzystała z szerokiej gamy technik i zasobów języka politycznego. W czasie komunikacji wyborczej zastosowano, w większości przypadków, strategie: konsolidacji (taktyki integracji narodu ukraińskiego, polityka z narodem); autoprezentacji (taktyki demonstrowania profesjonalizmu, patriotyzmu, odpowiedzialności), argumentacji (taktyki uzasadniania tezy, dialogiczności, kompromisu).
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
JavaScript is turned off in your web browser. Turn it on to take full advantage of this site, then refresh the page.