Search results - CEJSH

1

Czy współczesne partie potrzebują jeszcze członków? Wnioski z badań empirycznych w polskich partiach politycznych

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Pacześniak A., Wincławska M.

Political Preferences

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2017

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issue 17

7-26

EN

Research on political party members started on a grand scale at the beginning of the 1990s and it has gone in three main directions: (1) members and activists as a resource for the parties; (2) members as constituting “the party on the ground”; and (3) political participation of the members (van Haute, Paulis & Sierens 2017). In this article we are drawing from all three traditions of the research. The paper is based on empirical investigation from the project “Political Parties and their Social Environment. An Analysis of the Organization and Communication Activities of Polish Political Parties”, in which in-depth interviews with the parties’ leaders and parliamentarians were conducted and questionnaires were collected from the grassroots members and activists. To structure our research we put forward the following theses: (1) The parties’ elites declaratively appreciate the role of rank-and-file members in the organizations, but in practice rarely undertake activities to encourage people to join the parties or to engage the members they already have in party work. (2) The grassroots members would like to have more influence on party decisions. (3) The factor that is more important in differentiating the parties on their roles and expectations towards the organizations is the party age rather than its parliamentary or extra-parliamentary status.

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KOŚCIÓŁ ŁOMŻYŃSKI WOBEC PARTII POLITYCZNYCH W II RP

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GUZEWICZ W., GRYGORCZYK E.

Studia Ełckie

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2015

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vol. 17

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issue 1

19-30

EN

The article is the question of the relation of the Church Lomza political parties during the Second Republic. It found that the sympathies of the Diocese of Lomza deposited on the side of the Catholic-national groups. Norma was also that none of the party software struggling with the Church and religion, or not recognizing the principles and norms of Catholic could not count on Catholics. The latter groups were included mainly PSL “Liberation”, PPS and Communist parties. Emphasized the fact that the political options of Catholics should be consistent with the value system of the Gospel. This applies to the fact that Catholics supported the forces and political movements which, in relation to the basic ethical took a position contrary to the moral and social teaching of the Church.

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Facebook a polityka. Wykorzystanie serwisów społecznościowych przez polskie partie polityczne

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Porębski L., Karasek-Kędzior K.

Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne

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2015

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vol. 45

176-190

EN

The paper presents results of the research project that explored the mode in which Polish political parties use their Facebook profiles. The findings of the analysis prove that interactive and multimedia aspect of social networking is employed only in a limited degree. Party profiles are not used as a platform of the information on party activity distribution. Even basic contact data is not available on each of analyzed profiles. Moreover, as was expected, there is no clear association between the technical sophistication of the specific party profile and the position of the party on political market. Parties which are leaders of the ICT (Information and Communication Technologies) use are not dominating in terms of both possessed resources and the role played in parliamentary politics.

4

Evolution of Hungarian Electorate Preferences toward Bidimensional “Left – Right” Structure (1990 to 2013)

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Kubas S.

Political Preferences

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2013

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issue 4

53-76

EN

The article presents Hungarian electorate’s preferences in the time of transition and democratic consolidation beginning in 1990. The preferences are confrontated with results of parliamentary elections held in 1990, 1994, 1998, 2002, 2006 and 2010. Author tries to show how the left and right preference division developed on the basis of socioeconomic cleavages. The evolution of Hungarian electorate preferences has moved toward bidimensional “left – right” structure since the elections in 1998, yet first symptoms appeared in 1994 when post-socialis party MSzP won the elections. Since then only this party and rightist Fidesz were able to succeed and create Hungarian governments.

5

Eurosceptyzym polskich partii politycznych – ile w tym przekonania, a ile pragmatyzmu?

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Pacześniak A.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2015

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issue 2(33)

177-200

EN

The aim of the article is to consider the Euroscepticism of Polish political parties in the period before the accession to the EU and after 2004. Empirical material for this article is contained in electoral manifestoes of four Polish political parties defined by author as Eurosceptic (League of Polish Families, Self‑Defence, Law and Justice, Congress of New Right), published between 2001 and 2014. The author is looking for answer to the question, as far the Eurosceptic position of political party is the result of the party’s relationship to the EU and the axiology, expressed in their political manifestoes, and as far there is the tactical response to the expectations of their electorates.

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Wewnątrzpartyjne konflikty w głosowaniach sejmowych w PO i PiS w latach 2001–2014

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Stolicki D.

Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica

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2015

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issue 15

134-164

EN

The aim of the article was to analyze the inconsistent votings from the period 2001–2014, that is those votings which revealed inner conflicts or disharmonies in the two biggest Polish political parties – Platforma Obywatelska (Civic Platform) and Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (Law and Justice). The notion has never been analyzed before, therefore the research presented was of exploratory nature. Inconsistent votings were analyzed according to categories (legislative, personal, control, supervisory, resolution-making, etc.) and, in the case of votings on lawmaking bills, also according to the matter of a proposed bill. Inconsistent votings other than lawmaking were analyzed through a simplified case study in order to determine the reason for the lack of consistency. The most important results of the analysis were the significant drop in the number of inconsisten votings after 2005 both in PO and PiS; the clear division into the governing party and the opposition (however, inconsistency within the former is less common; and the most vital areas of inconsistency. Said areas include personal and ideological issues, European affairs (in PO up until the fourth term of office, whereas in PiS mainly due to ratification of the Treaty of Lisbon), as well as budget amendments (yet only in opposition parties). The analysis of correlation of inconsistencies within PiS and PO shows that the more those parties grow apart politically, the less often there is dissonance within them occurring at the same time.

7

Schwache Institutionalisierung des slowakischen Parteiensystems

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Štefančík R.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2014

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issue 4(353)

239-256

EN

The treatise outlines the current Slovak party system from the perspective of its institutionalization. The text is based on the assumption that weak institutionalization was an ongoing attribute of the Slovak party system after the general elections in 2010, which eventually led to the overthrow of the Radičová government. The text presents the theory of the institutionalization of political parties and development of the Slovak party system and thus analyzes features of the weakly established party system. A weak anchoring of parties in the party landscape and high volatility are presented as the most striking features of the Slovak party system.

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Problemy społeczne i praca socjalna w programach polskich partii politycznych

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Sawa-Czajka E.

Społeczeństwo i Edukacja. Międzynarodowe Studia Humanistyczne

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2012

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issue 1

261-273

EN

The paper analyses political parties’ programmes. Special attention is paid to these elements of their programme, which are strictly connected with social work and social policy. Social problems with different density are presented in the programmes of all political parties. An important task in the after voting period is the realization of political parties’ electoral promises in social matters, including different political and economic considerations.

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Impact of the intra-party democracy on political parties' reactions to the electoral defeats - a case study of the selected political groupings in Poland

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Kaczorowska M.

Przegląd Europejski

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2021

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vol. 4

191-207

EN

An electoral defeat usually marks a significant turning point in the life of political parties. It is often the beginning of the changes taking place within them (Harmel, Janda 1994; Gauja 2016: p. 50–51). Existing research suggest that the desire to improve the electoral outcome is the main argument for reform within political parties (Janda 1990; Harmel et al. 1995). This article looks at a relationship between the reactions of political parties to electoral defeat and one factor found to be important in this respect – i.e. the level of intra-party democracy (IPD) analysed at the organisational level. The study uses the IPD measurement model developed by Benjamin von dem Berge and his team (see: von dem Berge et al. 2013). The article provides the analysis of the level of intra-party democracy of the selected four Polish political parties (on the basis of their statutes) continuously present on the Polish political scene after 2001 and its impact on changes within political groupings after electoral defeats. The author examined the statutes of the Law and Justice (PiS), the Civic Platform (PO), the Polish People’s Party (PSL) and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD). These parties suffered defeats either in the 2011 or 2015 elections. The main research problem is to determine how the level of IPD of the examined parties influences their reactions after electoral defeats. The research hypothesis is: political parties with a higher level of IPD should change under the influence of electoral defeats more than parties with a lower level of this indicator. The study used also the methodology of data analysis (party’s statutes and other documents) and 21 structured in-depth interviews with representatives of party elites. Based on the results, the index of change after defeat in political parties is created.

10

The Level of Political Party Activity: Study of the Elections of Presidents in Cities with Poviat Rights of the Silesian Voivodeship in 2002-2018

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Kaczmarczyk K.

Political Preferences

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2022

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vol. 30

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issue 1

35-48

EN

Since 2002 in Poland voters in the local government elections can directly elect the head of the rural municipality, mayor and city president. Local elections, in Polish conditions, are treated as an arena favourable for local committees, often non-party. However, it should be noted that many analyses show that the higher the level of self-government, the more important the committees of political parties are. The increase in the participation of political parties in the election competition is also noticeable in medium and large cities. The author decided to check whether the cities with poviat status of the Silesian Voivodeship favour party committees or rather a committee unrelated to any political parties. For this purpose, the participation and effectiveness of these committees in local elections of cities presidents with poviat rights of the Silesian Voivodeship in 2002-2018 was analysed. The study confirmed that the level of politicization in elections is increasing, however, the effectiveness of party committees in the election of city presidents is lower than the effectiveness of local committees. In addition, political parties are more active and influential in larger cities.

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Semantic Networks Analysis of Political Party Platforms.: Coalition Prediction Based on Semantic Distances in Scottish Elections 1999–2011

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Myślik B.

Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica

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2014

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issue 13

134-153

EN

This paper conducts a semantic network analysis of Scottish political party manifestos from the 1999, 2003, 2007 and 2011 elections to predict coalition formation. A manifesto is a tool of political communication that represents a party’s ideology and discusses issues considered crucial for each election. Semantic analysis of party manifestos represents an innovative method for examining the relations among political parties. Parties that are closer in the semantic network have a greater potential to form political coalitions. Semantic distances and two-mode semantic network analysis also proved to be a viable method for describing a country’s political climate and power structure, without requiring prior knowledge of country’s political makeup, and without pre-conceived notions. The results indicate that a semantic analysis of political party manifestos can be used to predict coalitions, but factors other than semantic similarity must be considered. Semantic network analysis provides an accurate picture of the distribution of power and centrality of issues for any given election.

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Wybory do sejmiku województwa zachodniopomorskiego

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Tomczak Ł.

Roczniki Nauk Społecznych

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2019

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vol. 11(47)

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issue 1

79-92

PL

Artykuł prezentuje wyniki badań dotyczących rywalizacji w wyborach samorządowych na poziomie regionu. Analiza odnosi się do wyników głosowania i wyborów do sejmiku województwa zachodniopomorskiego w sześciu kolejnych elekcjach. Badaniami objęto między innymi frekwencję, zmiany poparcia dla komitetów wyborczych i podział mandatów. Skupiono się na partiach, które albo samodzielnie, albo w koalicjach uzyskiwały mandaty w sejmiku. W badanym okresie najwyższe poparcie wyborcze osiągał do roku 2006 Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej,a w kolejnych wyborach Platforma Obywatelska RP. Województwo charakteryzowało się niższą frekwencją od średniej krajowej. W wyborach większe poparcie niż średnie w kraju uzyskiwały ugrupowania lewicy oraz Platforma Obywatelska RP.

EN

The article presents the research of the effects of rivalry in local government elections at the regional level. The analysis concerns the results of voting and elections to the Regional Council of the West Pomeranian Voivodeship in six subsequent elections. The study includes factors such as: attendance, changes in support for electoral committees and the distribution of seats. The main focus was put on the parties that obtained seats in the Regional Council – either independently or within coalitions. In the analysed period, the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) obtained the highest electoral support until 2006, but in the following elections the highest support belonged to the Civic Platform (PO). The West Pomeranian Voivodship noted lower turnout than the national average attendance. Leftist parties and the Civic Platform gained above average support in West Pomerania than on the country level.

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Retoryczne strategie i taktyki wywierania wpływu na wyborców w programach rosyjskich partii politycznych

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Szymula R.

Acta Neophilologica

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2020

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vol. XXII/1

31-44

EN

The main aim of politicians’ actions (a struggle for power and retaining it) is connected with forming voters’ convictions, achieved, inter alia, with particular rhetorical strategies. Research demonstrated that in the analyzed material (programs of 11 Russian parties) three rhetorical strategies are employed: the lowering strategy, the elevation strategy and the theatricality strategy, implemented with the help of various tactics. The most frequently used strategy is undoubtedly the theatricality strategy, verbalized through the following tactics: encouraging, cooperating, separating, promising, anticipating and warning.

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Positioning Strategies of Polish Political Parties in the 2014 European Parliament Election

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Cichosz M.

Political Preferences

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2014

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issue 9

167-179

EN

The article concerns an analysis of the types of positioning an electoral agenda adopted by the Polish political parties during the political campaign before the elections to the European Parliament in 2014. Positioning the electoral offer has been treated as one of the main elements of the electoral strategies of political parties, as the way of defining their electoral goals and identifying their strengths and weaknesses as well as opportunities and threats. The scope of analysis assumes main Polish political parties represented in the Polish parliament in the years 2011 - 2014 and additionally the party that managed to cross the entry barrier into the parliamentary market in the EP election in 2014.

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Some thoughts about the interplay between welfare attitudes and populism

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Saxonberg S., Sirovátka T.

Problemy Polityki Społecznej. Studia i Dyskusje

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2020

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vol. 48

27-40

EN

This article argues for setting a research agenda to investigate more concretely the interplay between welfare attitudes and support for populist parties. It notes that although much has been written about populism, much less has been written about the interplay between populism and welfare attitudes. In addition, populism has tended to concentrate on rightwing populism while devoting less attention to leftwing populism. Meanwhile, centrist populist parties have been has been even more neglected than leftwing populism. We need to develop a more nuanced view and conduct comparative analyses of the differences in welfare attitudes among leftwing, centrist and rightwing populist voters. Our article also notes that the current databases that have both voting and welfare attitudes often do not include the countries with the most important leftwing populist parties. Another problem is the need to take into account the country context. For example, Podemos in Spain, Syriza in Greece and Smer in Slovakia are all three normally considered to be leftwing populist parties, but only Smer has promoted an anti-immigrant and anti-Roma agenda.

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Schwache Institutionalisierung des slowakischen Parteiensystems (bis zum Jahr 2012)

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Štefančík R.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2014

|

issue 4(353)

239-256

EN

The treatise outlines the current Slovak party system from the perspective of its institutionalization. The text is based on the assumption that weak institutionalization was an ongoing attribute of the Slovak party system after the general elections in 2010, which eventually led to the overthrow of the Radičová government. The text presents the theory of the institutionalization of political parties and development of the Slovak party system and thus analyzes features of the weakly established party system. A weak anchoring of parties in the party landscape and high volatility are presented as the most striking features of the Slovak party system.

17

The electoral fate and policy impact of “anti-corruption parties” in Central and Eastern Europe

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Bågenholm A.

Human Affairs

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2013

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vol. 23

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issue 2

174-195

EN

Niche parties have been increasingly successful during the last 30 years and have accordingly received a lot of scholarly attention. So far most of the focus has been on Green and radical right parties, and to a more limited extent, regional parties. In this paper I analyze the electoral fates and policy outcomes of another type of niche party, namely those focusing on anti-corruption, whose successes culminated during the 2000s. The study is limited to all new parties campaigning on the issue of anti-corruption in Central and Eastern Europe since the fall of the Berlin wall and the questions to be answered are: To what extent are these parties successful in obtaining relevant positions in the government so that they are able to effectively fight corruption? What impact do they have on anti-corruption measures, thereby influencing the level of corruption? How successful are these parties in the elections that follow? In short, to what extent do anticorruption parties matter? Apart from electoral and governmental data, the analysis is based on the Freedom House Nation in Transit annual reports, in which one section deals with the efforts to curb corruption. The results are rather mixed, but indicate that the more influential positions the anti-corruption parties (ACPs) have in government, the better are their anti-corruption performances. That implies that they are serious and competent enough to tackle those issues, despite their newness and lack of experience. Not surprisingly, the incumbent ACPs fare worse than those in opposition in subsequent elections, but quite a few still remain popular. Finally, all but one party abandoned their anti-corruption rhetoric in their second election, which implies that anti-corruption is a different type of issue, compared to the ones used by previous niche parties.

18

The idea of situational leadership in political parties

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Stręk N. U.

Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia

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2018

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vol. 25

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issue 2

EN

The results from the Polish parliamentary elections in 2015 showed a significant change in the behaviour of the electorate. Two completely new political groups have entered the Sejm. For the very first time in the history of the Third Polish Republic, a new balance of power emerged, which excluded the left-wing parties from political discourse without assigning them a parliamentary mandate [Dudek 2016: 687]. In the face of this turn of events, it is difficult to maintain the thesis concerning the "freezing" of the circulation of political elites in the current political system. The Modern political party was established on 31 May 2015 [Kim jesteśmy?] while the Kukiz'15 political movement formed only three months before the parliamentary elections [O stowarzyszeniu – władze krajowe i okręgowe]. These two political organisations were able to overcome the electoral threshold and achieve unexpected success in such a short period of time and without an extensive party structure or significant financial base. The mobilisation of the electorate took place outside the parliamentary structures. In view of this, is the phenomenon of 'over-parlamentisation' [Żukiewicz 2011: 343] involved in the creation of political leaders still valid? Is it to be believed, that in the face of ever more frequent grassroots social initiatives, the real political struggle still only takes place within the parties and political leaders who are not traditional participants of political party games but who appear as activists associated with other areas of public life?On the other hand, the changes that take place in the electorate do not directly translate into the reorganisation of party structures. The tendency to block political advancement by the already established political elite still persists. Traditional political parties are afraid of this new situation, which can significantly harm their interests. Impeding these changes may seem to be an obvious reaction, inscribed in the rules of political struggle [Żukiewicz 2011: 345]. However, the constant increase in tension between the demands and expectations of the electorate and the offer of these parties may indicate that the current balance of power will not last for long. Upcoming transformations cannot be avoided however attempts should be made to control them. For this reason, leaders of traditional political parties should decide on utilising such a mechanism for selecting leaders as it would not exclude them from the political space while at the same time be a guarantor of power.Being part of the 21st century, we have all witnessed and participated in the intensification of globalisation processes as well as the generational change and the popularisation of ideas related to the information society. The significant increase in the importance of the phenomenon of mediatisation of politics causes a reversal of the hierarchy of attributes and predispositions which are desired by society [Schulz 2004: 87-101]. The image of political leaders on social media begins to outweigh their actual leadership skills. There is a danger that the new mechanism responsible for creating party structures will indeed facilitate the circulation of the elite, but unfortunately at the expense of the quality of potential leaders. That is why it is so important that the transformation process of the political power system proceeds as designed, and not in a chaotic manner, succumbing to bottom-up trends.In addition, external factors of an international nature make it difficult to conduct research on the latest political phenomena. The changes currently occurring in society require new research perspectives and approaches. Traditional theories concerning the political system and the understanding of party structure may turn out to be insufficient.

19

EWOLUCJA POLITYCZNEJ RELEWANCJI LIGI POLSKICH RODZIN (2001–2010)

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Koziełło T.

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

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2014

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issue 3(12)

45-57 (13)

EN

League of Polish Families (LPR) achieved great political success against other na-tional parties in 3rd Republic of Poland. The party had representatives in the Polish parliament and government, European Parliament and Voivodeship sejmiks. This success was a result of their political programme, exposing sovereign national policy and consol-idation of different parties of Polish national right. Defeat of LPR was caused by ideolog-ical and personal conflicts amongst the party’s leaders and between central management and local structures. Those problems led to internal divisions in party and decrease influ-ence of LPR in Polish society.

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CZY ISTNIAŁA INSTYTUCJA OPOZYCJI POLITYCZNEJ W DEMOKRACJI BEZPOŚREDNIEJ? (ANALIZA DEMOKRACJI ATEŃSKIEJ I REPUBLIKI RZYMSKIEJ)

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Nieć M.

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

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2016

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issue 1(14)

38-46 (9)

EN

The article, based on works Ancient historian and Classicists, presents direct democracy in the Ancient World. The author is looking for an example institution of oppositions in con-temporary political system, especially the electoral system. In his opinion, the institution of oppositions was hidden within the electoral systems of Athens and Rome.

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