Search results

1

Opinia prawna w sprawie zakresu obowiązku sprawozdawczego spoczywającego na partiach w sytuacji połączenia partii politycznych

100%

Sobolewski P.

Zeszyty Prawnicze BAS

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2015

|

issue 2(46)

94-102

EN

The opinion describes the procedures for mergers of political parties and all the accompanying reporting obligations. It presents the thesis that in the course of takeover of a party the universal succession applies, but in Polish law there is a lacuna as concerns the principles for succession of public-law rights and obligations of political parties. The author provide a thorough analysis of the obligation to submit financial statements to the National Electoral Commission, on pain of deprivation of subsidies and membership in the case of takeover of a party.

2

Instytucja partii politycznej w Konstytucji Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej z 1997 r.

100%

Przywora B.

Przegląd Sejmowy

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2021

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issue 3(164)

87-110

EN

The study addresses the problem of to what extent and in what scope do the regulations concerning political parties, resulting from the Constitution of the Republic of Poland, determine the ordinary legislator? The analysis is made from the perspective of the triad of notions: freedom – duty – responsibility.

3

Wielkomiejscy radni Platformy Obywatelskiej i Prawa i Sprawiedliwości na ścieżkach do stanowisk zajmowanych w kadencji 2006-2010

80%

Betkiewicz, W., Jasiewicz‑Betkiewicz A.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2014

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issue 1(27)

295-325

EN

The main aim of the article is to describe career patterns of big city politicians who had been elected from lists of Civic Platform Party and Law and Justice Party, both parties that dominated Polish political scene. The authors try to answer in what way political career, local government career and socio‑economic status have affected the post held at the city council by representatives elected from both party lists. The authors formulate four hypotheses which concern the characteristics of the paths toward posts held by both parties’ representatives. The results of analysis show that paths towards posts are different and connected to the party. Law and Justice paths, whereparty career are very important, are more obvious and easer to interpretations. In the case of councilors who had represented Civic Platform relatively significant are local‑government careers.

4

The Political Parties as Organisations of Representation of the Political Rights of Individuals in Albania

80%

Mone K.

Academicus. International Scientific Journal

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2014

|

issue 09

235-247

EN

According to the Constitution or laws, individuals today have extensive political rights closely associated with the right to vote. Here is meant the active and passive right of voting. Membership in a party is not only because of the desire, but also for the fact that the party gives individuals the possibility of career progress, further realization of their political rights. The purpose of this paper is to present the development of political parties and individual rights, not only in Albania, but also combined with the European experience. In this paper we will focus on how political parties have evolved as well as the political rights of individuals after the independence in 1912. The development of political parties in Albania has passed in two stages in the communist system where only one party was known and in the democratic system where was recognized political pluralism. Highlighting the role of political parties, as an important promoter of the functioning of state and of the coverage of the political rights of individuals, makes this study important.

5

Prawne i praktyczne aspekty wolontariatu w działalności polskich partii politycznych

80%

Bejma A.

Kultura i Edukacja

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2014

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issue 1(101)

169-191

EN

Voluntary activity is a form of civic activity, which is an essential part of modern, wellfunctioning democracy, both at the local and national levels. Popular ideas identify volunteering with work in community centers, rehabilitation centers for the disabled, hospices, nursing homes for the elderly, orphanages, and homes for single mothers. Meanwhile, as it was confirmed by the study of the Klon/Jawor and CBOS, voluntary activity is not just purely social and supportive one. Volunteers, as is the case in other countries, support with their work organizations of political nature – movements, committees, and political groups. The use of their support intensifies especially during election campaigns, when volunteers perform different tasks: gather signatures on lists of candidates in the election, organize rallies and campaign trails, lead wide campaigning – handing out leaflets and urging to vote for particular candidates or political parties, prepare handouts, and update web pages, blogs and profiles in social networks. This voluntary, and – what needs to be especially emphasized – also conscious involvement in political activity, is a manifestation of a particular group of civic participation in its political dimension.

6

Opinia prawna na temat utraty przez partie polityczne prawa do otrzymywania subwencji z budżetu państwa w myśl art. 38d ustawy z 27 czerwca 1997 r. o partiach politycznych

80%

Kubuj K.

Zeszyty Prawnicze BAS

|

2015

|

issue 2(46)

86-93

EN

The opinion emphasizes that the sanction of deprivation of the right to receive subsidies by political parties constitute an ailment resulting from the violation of legal standards concerning financial reporting of a political party for a calendar year. The Act on Political Parties provides for the possibility of different interpretations of Article 38d governing the reception of subsidies from the state budget by political parties. However, the author claims that a three-year period after which a political party loses the right to receive subsidies, runs irrespective of the termination or shortening of the term of the Sejm.

7

Obywatel a partie polityczne – wstęp do analizy na przykładzie Platformy Obywatelskiej RP i Prawa i Sprawiedliwości

80%

Plecka D.

Political Preferences

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2017

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issue 17

27-38

EN

The problem of both political and sociological backgrounds is often the quality and level of political civic competence. They point out their importance for the development and consolidation of democracy as well as the quality of public life. Research on this topic is accompanied by a lack of interest in politics, knowledge of its basic mechanisms, limited social trust, and marginal participation, which may be the turnout in individual elections. At the same time, there is a lack of reflection on the sources of such behaviors, assuming (usually a priori) that they are in the historical experience, mentality, tradition or political culture prevailing in a given society. However, the observation of public life makes it possible to argue that the quality and level of political civic competences largely depend on the practice of political parties with regard to citizens in terms of both conventional and unconventional participation. Of course, it is difficult not to notice the interplay of political parties and citizens, one can even risk the notion that the "quality of citizenship" depends on the rulers, and these reflect the "quality of citizenship."

8

Marka idealnej partii politycznej w opinii wyborców o różnych preferencjach ideologicznych i partyjnych

80%

Turska-Kawa A.

Political Preferences

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2013

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issue 5

29-47

EN

The present article presents results of research conducted with the working assumption that voters perceive political parties in terms of traits characteristics for people, giving them a unique identity. Research was focused on defining the “personality” of a perfect political party; voters were asked about desired intensity of certain characteristics in such imagined perfect political entity. The taxonomy of traits presented to the respondents used the HEXACO model, by Kibeom Lee and Michael C. Aschton, which refers to a six-dimensional personality structure. The authors distinguished the following personality factors in the model: Honesty, Emotionality, Extraversion, Agreeableness, Conscientiousness and Openness to Experience.

9

Leaders of Polish Political Parties and Their Scope of Power in Party Structures

80%

Tomczak Ł.

Political Preferences

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2015

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issue 11

7-17

EN

The purpose of this article is to present the scope of authority of party leaders in selected Polish political parties. The study included the following parties: Civic Platform (PO), Law and Justice (PiS) party, the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD), Polish Peasants’ Party (PSL), Your Movement (TR), Right Wing of the Republic Polish (PR), the New Right (NP) and the Greens. The article addresses the problem of electing a leader of party. The importance of exclusive competence (the powers that belong only to a leader) of the leaders of the Polish party is analyzed. The leader of party may on their grounds decide in certain areas of action of the party. This applies in particular to internal structure, staffing party, the nomination of candidates for election as well as disciplining party members. In most of the subjected parties the leaders have a broad range of rights including the exclusive character. According to the author, some of these powers undermine democratic nature of the party structure.

10

Anatomia porażki wyborczej, red. Anna Pacześniak

80%

Glajcar R.

Przegląd Sejmowy

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2018

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issue 4(147)

155–163

EN

The reviewed book pertains to the issue of changes which political parties undergo after an electoral defeat. The defeat is regarded is a critical organizational challenge, usually yielding divergent results. The discussed research problem deserves a refl ection of political science, as electoral defeats are an immanent part of the democratic order. The research problem is precisely defi ned and consequently realized by the members of the research team; subsequent articles attest to a thought-through, coherent research concept, in line with the studies analyzing sources and consequences of changes within political parties. In subsequent articles authors focus on both endogenous and exogenous factors triggering the change, presenting parties as actors employing both reactive and proactive strategies. The book shall be recommended to all readers interested in the problematic aspects of political parties. Its strength is its inherent coherency (rarity as regards collective works) and the consequent realization of the defi ned research goal.

11

Chwiejność elektoratów partii politycznych w Polsce w latach 2001–2019

80%

Onasz M.

Przegląd Sejmowy

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2023

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issue 5(178)

159–184

EN

The aim of the article is to examine the extent to which the electorates of the current parliamentary parties (represented in the Sejm of the Republic of Poland) are changing in terms of their place in the electoral space. The paper focuses on the issue of electoral volatility of Polish political parties – the variability of the behaviour of their electorates in territorial terms (constituencies). The presented study allows to confirm the thesis of low electoral volatility (high stability) of the main parliamentary parties in the period 2001–2019, with groupings with high support characterised by a lower level of electoral volatility. In addition, the article presents an analysis of the electorates of groups of political parties over the same period, which allows to confirm the flows of electorates related to the dynamics of the party system.

12

UNIA WOLNOŚCI W OŚWIĘCIMIU

80%

URBIŃSKI J.

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

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2014

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issue 3(12)

19-31 (13)

EN

The Freedom Union was a liberal democratic political party based on the Solidarity trade union movement. It was founded in 1994 out of the merger of the Democratic Union and the Liberal Democratic Congress. The leaders of The Freedom Union had a huge influence on policy in free and democratic Poland. In 2001 some members of the party decided to move to join the new Civic Platform. In 2005 the Freedom Union’s leadership founded the social-liberal Democratic Party. The article is about The Freedom Union in Oswiecim, where the party was authentic in power.

13

Miejskie partie prezydenckie w miastach na prawach powiatu województwa śląskiego

80%

Czaja M.

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

|

2017

|

issue 3(15)

5-17 (13)

EN

This article focuses on the characteristics and the position of municipal presidential parties in the municipalities in the Silesian region. The article based on the results of the City Council elections in the years 2006–2014. Municipal presidential parties are defined as local initiatives created by independent Mayors. These parties were created as a result of the change in law connected with the mayoral elections. The analysis demonstrates that in the majority of municipalities in the Silesian Voivodeship initiatives that are described are relevant to local politics. Moreover, it presents significant differences among all the cities to their relevance. The article extends the analysis of urban move-ments in the biggest cities of the Silesian Voivodeship by the category of the municipal presidential parties which constitute one of the models of the described entities.

14

WIZJA UNII EUROPEJSKIEJ W KONCEPCJACH PRAWA I SPRAWIEDLIWOŚCI W ŚWIETLE TEORII MIĘDZYRZĄDOWYCH I PONADNARODOWYCH

80%

Staszczyk A.

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

|

2016

|

issue 3(14)

169-184 (19)

EN

The paper explores the issue of the application of selected theories of European inte-gration (intergovernmental and supranational) to explain the position of the Polish Justice Law and Justice party with regard to the functioning and future of the EU. The party, led by Jaroslaw Kaczynski, is a political formation which is actively engaged in the debate on the shape of the EU, pertaining to both its theoretical and practical policies. The ongoing debate has taken the form of battle between neo-functionalism and state-centric intergovernmental approach. The author believes that the main theory that explains the Law and Justice party’s approach to European issues is inter-governmentalism which aligns well with the concept of “Europe of Motherlands” adopted by the party. It proclaims the primacy of nation state and its interests in the process of European integration. This is tantamount to refuting the view that the EU can develop only in accordance with the neo-functionalism’s spill-over logic which will eventually lead to the formation of a European federation.

15

WIZJA PAŃSTWA W MYŚLI POLITYCZNEJ UNII WOLNOŚCI

80%

Szczepański D.

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

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2012

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issue 10

151-159 (9)

EN

The aim of the article was to present the UW party’s assumptions of the political system of the country. A particular attention was paid to the principle of separation of powers and the need to maintain a balance between the legislative, administrative and judicatory power. The scope of the various authorities have been discussed, and specific solutions pointed at which, according to UW ideologues, may have contributed to their better functioning.

16

Transparentność finansów partii politycznych a utrata prawa do subwencji z budżetu państwa

70%

Rzetecki A.

Przegląd Prawa i Administracji

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2018

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vol. 115

41-55

EN

Political parties play an important role in the contemporary democratic system. However, guaranteeing their financial safety has always been a problem for the authorities. The system of financing political parties in Poland is based on the principle of budgetary subsidy because in our political conditions, subsidies seem to be the most effective solution. Thus, the finances of political parties should be fully transparent and subject to public control because of spending budgetary resources. In Poland, there exist certain circumstances which can lead to the loss of subsidies, which are connected with the financial transparency. The sanction of deprivation of the right to receive subsidies by political parties constitutes a challenge resulting from the violation of legal standards concerning financial reporting of political parties for the given calendar year.

17

Репутація політичної партії: основні підходи до її розуміння

70%

Буряченко О.

Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona

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2018

|

issue 8

187-192

EN

The article studies the key approaches to understanding the reputation of one of the key subjects of the political process, i.e. of a political party. The Ukrainian society currently has a growing demand for the reputation of political parties. The author emphasizes that the most citizens of Ukraine choose apolitical party not by their political programs, but rather by their images created by the mass media. There is a solid tendency, that results of the elections depend on the reputation of a political party, which may serve as a guarantor of social stability of the society in general. That is why mass consciousness has a growingly fixed vision of reputation as a certain value, the existence of which determined the success of a political force. The author stresses that certain aspect of the concept of “reputation” have already been studied, primarily in the political leadership theory and during the studies of images of political leaders. The understanding of a reputation has been personalized since ancient times. That is why, the article highlights and explains the personalized approach to this phenomenon. The article shows that Confucius, Laozi, Protagoras, Plato, Titus Livy, Plutarch, N. Machiavelli and others have determined a direct dependency between the welfare of whole nations and the correspondence of the ruler to a certain “ideal image”, which consisted of a number of moral and ethical qualities. It has been determined that, unlike the reputation of a political party, the study of personal reputation is explained by a considerably late appearance of actual political parties. At the start of the process, we may remember the socalled movement of “The Populares” – a sociopolitical coalition, which started to form soon after the end of the second Punic war (218-201 BC). The first prototypes of modern political parties appear only during the periods of bourgeois revolutions and the appearance of parliamentary forms of fighting for power. The concrete examples may be the 16701680-s in England (Tory and Whigs); the 1780-1790-s in France (Jacobins and Girondins). The first parties of a modern type appear in the first half of the 19th century. On the basis of this, a conclusion is drawn that due to objective reasons, namely, the time of party formation, there is a longer history of studying the reputation of a person. The author notes that the concept of a “reputation of a political party” is not used as a fixed term in modern political science. It is rather used in association with such terms as “brand”, “image”, “cognitive image”. At the same time, image and reputation have different purposes – image is aimed exclusively at the consumer of services whereas reputation is aimed at consumers, employees, partners, society etc. The author substantiates that personal reputation (reputation of the leader of a political party) is connected to the reputation of a political party in general. This may be seen on the examples of modern “personalized” political parties of Ukraine. Unlike the image, reputation must be suited in the context of personality, an actual living person as it may not exist separately from its bearer. In the context of understanding the reputation of a political party, the practical contents of the concept of “sustainability of electoral preferences” is revealed. It has been determined that the shift of the reputation of a certain political party may objectively influence the shift of electoral preferences. This, in turn, may signify that a sustainable reputation of apolitical party is a certain guarantee of the sustainability of electoral preferences. The author uses various approaches – economic, legal, sociological, communicative, systemic, socio-philosophic – to reputation analysis. In general, the study concludes that reputation of a political party must be viewed as a phenomenon of public opinion, evaluation of moral, business and professional qualities of the members of a certain party. It should be viewed as a non-material resource or a non-material assets of a political organization.

18

Zarządzanie marketingowe partią polityczną w teoriach Roberta P. Ormroda i Stephana C. Henneberga

70%

Potarzycka-Szczerba A.

Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne

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2015

|

vol. 45

145-156

EN

Although political marketing management is still a very popular issue in modern political science, surprisingly, only few studies have tried to provide theoretical foundations for describing comprehensive marketing process in political parties. The aim of this paper is to present two complementary concepts developed by Robert P. Ormrod and Stephan C. Henneberg: Political Market Orientation and Strategic Political Postures. Both authors have prepared a theoretical framework for complex analysis of marketing operations in the parties. They consider political marketing management to be a permanent process which includes mainly building and maintaining relations with various stakeholders and creating strategies. The article presents these concepts from the perspective of previous studies and criticizes some assumptions in purpose to indicate possibilities and barriers of future empirical work.

19

THE RIVALRY STRATEGIES OF POLITICAL PARTIESIN ELECTIONS TO THE ASSEMBLY OF CITIZENS OF THE FREE AND HANSEATIC CITY OF HAMBURG

70%

Wroniszewska B., Ganowicz E.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

|

2013

|

vol. 42

109-138

EN

The author undertakes to discuss the problem of rivalry strategies of political parties in elections to the Citizens’ Assembly of the Free and Hanseatic City of Hamburg. The broadness and multidimensional character of the subject area requires moving beyond the limits of political science and entering other related domains, like broadly-conceived historical sciences, also reaching for a number of establishments within legal-historical domains. Firmly grounded historical, legal, polity-related and political aspects of the unification of Germany in the context of German federalism, encouraged and obligated the author, to attempt to bring the above problem up to date. I think that thanks to a broader analysis of elections to the Hamburg Citizens’ Assembly over the last 50 years, the real state of the problem area can acquire a fuller context, with an emphasis on the foundations of local government functioning. To prepare this paper I made use of Polish and German sources published by Polish, American and German researchers. Polish and German literature offered a valuable source to become acquainted with the history and the foreseeable future of Hamburg’s local government, in particular – the assumptions behind territorial and functional reforms, the evolution of which we have been able to follow in the Federal Republic of Germany since the 1970s.

20

Opinia prawna na temat kierunku i zakresu zmian w regulacjach prawnych dotyczących tworzenia i funkcjonowania zespołów poselskich (parlamentarnych)

70%

Odrowąż-Sypniewski W.

Zeszyty Prawnicze BAS

|

2015

|

issue 2(46)

193-205

EN

The opinion deals with the question of an increasing number Deputies’ (parliamentary) groupings, which poses a real problem for the functioning of the Sejm. It provides a thesis, according to which the governing bodies of the Sejm and the Senate should consider a reform of the rules governing the procedure for the foundation of parliamentary (non-political) groupings. The author proposes changes in the rules of procedure of both chambers and in the Act on the Exercise of the Mandate of a Deputy or Senator in this respect.

Refine search results

Opinia prawna w sprawie zakresu obowiązku sprawozdawczego spoczywającego na partiach w sytuacji połączenia partii politycznych

Instytucja partii politycznej w Konstytucji Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej z 1997 r.

Wielkomiejscy radni Platformy Obywatelskiej i Prawa i Sprawiedliwości na ścieżkach do stanowisk zajmowanych w kadencji 2006-2010

The Political Parties as Organisations of Representation of the Political Rights of Individuals in Albania

Prawne i praktyczne aspekty wolontariatu w działalności polskich partii politycznych

Opinia prawna na temat utraty przez partie polityczne prawa do otrzymywania subwencji z budżetu państwa w myśl art. 38d ustawy z 27 czerwca 1997 r. o partiach politycznych

Obywatel a partie polityczne – wstęp do analizy na przykładzie Platformy Obywatelskiej RP i Prawa i Sprawiedliwości

Marka idealnej partii politycznej w opinii wyborców o różnych preferencjach ideologicznych i partyjnych

Leaders of Polish Political Parties and Their Scope of Power in Party Structures

Anatomia porażki wyborczej, red. Anna Pacześniak

Chwiejność elektoratów partii politycznych w Polsce w latach 2001–2019

UNIA WOLNOŚCI W OŚWIĘCIMIU

Miejskie partie prezydenckie w miastach na prawach powiatu województwa śląskiego ﻿

WIZJA UNII EUROPEJSKIEJ W KONCEPCJACH PRAWA I SPRAWIEDLIWOŚCI W ŚWIETLE TEORII MIĘDZYRZĄDOWYCH I PONADNARODOWYCH

WIZJA PAŃSTWA W MYŚLI POLITYCZNEJ UNII WOLNOŚCI

Transparentność finansów partii politycznych a utrata prawa do subwencji z budżetu państwa

Репутація політичної партії: основні підходи до її розуміння

Zarządzanie marketingowe partią polityczną w teoriach Roberta P. Ormroda i Stephana C. Henneberga

THE RIVALRY STRATEGIES OF POLITICAL PARTIESIN ELECTIONS TO THE ASSEMBLY OF CITIZENS OF THE FREE AND HANSEATIC CITY OF HAMBURG

Opinia prawna na temat kierunku i zakresu zmian w regulacjach prawnych dotyczących tworzenia i funkcjonowania zespołów poselskich (parlamentarnych)

Miejskie partie prezydenckie w miastach na prawach powiatu województwa śląskiego