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Saudi Arabia’s electoral politics in the making

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EN
The aim of this article is to provide an analytical overview of Saudi experiments with electoral politics in the context of a wider reform movement promoted by King Abdullah bin Abdul-Aziz Al Saud. The 2004 municipal elections and the dominant subject of voting rights for women are used as illustrations of some of the issues that demonstrate the complexities of these processes. The article traces the limited experience of elections in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia from the foundation of the state in 1924 to the present. It examines the prerogatives of the various bodies formed by respective Saudi rulers as ways and means of introducing a degree of popular participation in the Kingdom at the municipal level. Various reform programmes formulated by Saudi kings are analysed and evaluated. The author suggests that until the 1990s there was an unspoken compact between the Saudi population and the rulers: leave the Al-Saud rule unchallenged and they would take care of all of the citizens’ needs. This compact held until the 1990 Iraqi invasion of Kuwait and the subsequent stationing of thousands of U.S. troops in Saudi Arabia. An Islamic resurgence among Saudis, especially those who fought in Afghanistan against the Soviets in the 1980s, fueled anti-American sentiment and opposition to the royal family’s decision to allow American troops into the country, considered holy ground by Muslim fundamentalists. For a brief moment during and just after the 1991 Gulf war, Saudis found a measure of freedom to question and demand more participation in running the country’s affairs. The royal family promised that reforms would come if the population accepted the presence of US troops during the crisis. Yet the only reform steps that materialized were the 1992 establishment of the Majlis Ash-Shura Council or Shura Council (a consultative body appointed by the government to advice on legislation) and the enactment of the Basic Law of Government (similar in nature to a constitution). The concept and extent of reform became recognized as a legitimate question of contention in Saudi Arabia in 2003. The author analyses in detail the emergence and framework of the small reform movement that became the stimulus for evolutionary political reforms and the authorities’ response to it. Next he examines the expansion of political participation that subsequently followed spelling out and evaluating legal provisions for the 2004 municipal elections, their conduct and results. The article pays particular attention to the issue of women’s electoral rights. The article concludes that the most important of the reform measures – the initiation of the National Dialogues sessions and the staging of partial elections to municipal councils in 2004 – have had a significant impact on the socio-economic discourse in the Kingdom and led to other extremely important reform initiatives. Of these the granting of voting rights to women in 2015 is the latest example of King Abdullah bin Abdul-Aziz Al Saud attempts to cautiously shift Saudi society and its political practices towards those existing in the rest of the world. The list of his other initiatives is perhaps less spectacular but in the social and political context of Saudi Arabia they are almost revolutionary. Thus for example in 2010 the King pushed through the sweeping legal reforms and codification of Saudi law needed to meet World Trade Organization and human rights standards. He also decreed that only members of the Council of Senior Islamic Scholars were authorized to issue fatwas in a bid to halt religious rulings that embarrass the country. Only time will tell whether the cautious reforms, including the introduction of the embryonic electoral process recently introduced In Saudi Arabia, represent a viable way forward. In the current context of the country’s socio-political development such initiatives represent a strategic measure to ease societal frustration and to prepare and educate its citizens for perhaps more profound changes to come.
PL
W artykule przeanalizowano tradycję wyborów w Arabii Saudyjskiej, a także dokonano krytycznego przeglądu efektów wprowadzonych zmian wyborczych. Istotnym walorem artykułu jest ukazanie kontekstu przeprowadzanych reform – ich znaczenia dla obywateli i obywatelek Arabii Saudyjskiej, a także ich odbiór w innych krajach regionu Zatoki Perskiej.
Zapiski Historyczne
|
2021
|
vol. 86
|
issue 1
57-84
EN
The reforms in the second half of the eighteenth century affected the cities and towns of the Kingdom of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in various ways. After the reform of 1776, the majority of small towns in the Grand Duchy were deprived of the Magdeburg Law, while they retained the right to acquire landed estates. Apart from private towns, only 11 towns managed by territorial administrators – starosts – and belonging to the royal estates retained their privileged status. During the sessions of the Great Sejm (1788–1792), the discussions on the situation of Lithuanian towns were resumed. Representatives of towns that retained the Magdeburg Law, those which had lost it, and those striving for new rights and liberties were invited by the municipal authorities of the Old Town of Warsaw in order to submit their demands in the Sejm together with all the towns. The new town laws of 1791 laid the foundations for modern urban administration and prepared the grounds for burghers to fight for their rights and liberties, which was influenced by the municipal self-government institutions established under these laws. The question of the number of small Lithuanian towns which took advantage of this opportunity during one year (1791/1792) has already been considered in Lithuanian and Polish historiography. Until now, however, historians have usually limited themselves to indicating the number of issued self-government privileges (74), but this figure does not provide a full picture of the political activity of the Lithuanian bourgeoisie. The article identifies 130 small Lithuanian towns (excluding 11 towns which retained the Magdeburg Law) which actively participated in the political movement of the bourgeoisie in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, and analyses the composition of this group of urban settlements.
PL
Niniejszy artykuł jest próbą syntetycznego spojrzenia na sprawy wojskowości w okresie panowania Stanisława Augusta Poniatowskiego. Omówiono w nim ewolucję instytucjonalną organów władzy państwowej sprawujących nadzór organizacyjno-aprowizacyjny nad armią, zaprezentowano koncepcje rozwoju sił zbrojnych wyrażane przez cenionych publicystów doby polskiego oświecenia, zilustrowano sam proces przeobrażeń zachodzących wówczas w wojskach monarchii polsko-litewskiej oraz przedstawiono bezpośrednie implikacje działań zainicjowanych przez czynniki rządzące. Przedmiotowej syntezy dokonano w oparciu o umowny podział na wydarzenia: sprzed zwołania Sejmu Wielkiego, z okresu samych obrad Sejmu Czteroletniego oraz tych po zakończeniu jego prac. W podsumowaniu autor przedstawia konkluzje o przyczynach braku powodzenia podjętych przedsięwzięć na rzecz aukcji i unowocześnienia wojska.
XX
This article is an attempt to summarize the overall view on military issues during the reign of Stanisław August Poniatowski. It discusses the institutional evolution of authorities responsible for supplying the army, the concepts of developing the army expressed by reputable publicists of the Age of Enlightenment, exemplifies the transformation process of the Polish – Lithuanian Commonwealth armed forces and represents direct implications of the actions initiated by the governing authorities. The synthesis is based on a convenient chronological division: before The Great Sejm, during The Great Sejm proceedings and after The Great Sejm. The summary of this article consist of the author’s conclusions concerning the failure of actions undertaken to enlarge and modernize the army.
EN
The article discusses the topic of pacification sejms in the context of their impact on the systemic transformations of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the systemic practice. The author presents what the pacification sejm was, what role it played as a mechanism in the state system and presents the most common goals of constantly calling the parliament with such specific characteristics. Then, in chronological order, the four parliaments from 1589, 1673, 1699 and 1736 are discussed, because only their debates have been completed. The context of the internal situation at the time of calling the pacification is referred to, and then a description of the achievements of the Sejm in the aspect of interest to the author of influencing the shape of the system and provisions deviating from the current custom. In the summary, the author concludes that the pacification parliaments, despite its original character aimed at calming public moods and restoring peace in the country, often became a tool for carrying out certain systemic improvements. So, it is in consequently a dualism both in purposes and effects. Therefore, these parliaments benefited the Commonwealth as a stabilization instrument and left their certain positive mark on the state system. Beside the Henryk Olszewski brief description of pacificatory sejms and the four monography of successful sejms it’s hard to search a synthesis for that specific issue. This is why author tries to make one universal characteristic of the pacification phenomenon, based on current state of knowledge and his own conclusions about these specific sejms. Such trial seems to be necessary under this circumstances of the lack of currently holistic definition.
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